International Symposium of Graduate Students of Finno-Ugric Linguistics

International Symposium of Graduate Students of Finno-Ugric Linguistics Preliminary schedule and abstracts Kääriku, Estonia October 3 rd 6 th, 2013 1

Preliminary schedule October 3 rd 19.00 Departure (Jakobi 2, behind the university main building) 20.30 Dinner October 4 th 9.00-10.00 Breakfast 10.00-11.00 Prof. Sirkka Saarinen: Fennougristiikan suunnat 11.00-11.30 Break 11.30-12.00 Junttila: Voiko väärän lainaetymologian erottaa oikeasta? 12.00-12.30 Becker: Swedish loanwords in the Finnish language 12.30-13.00 Kuokkala: Second-syllable labial vowels in Germanic loan words of Finnic 13.00 Lunch 14.30-15.00 Norvik: Paths to the future in Livonian 15.00-15.30 Saar: Inflectional morphology of Soikkola Ingrian 15.30-16.00 Oksanen: Koltansaamen õõttâ-verbijohdokset: semanttinen luokittelu 16.00-16.30 Salminen: 16.30-17.00 Coffee break 17.00-17.30 Hatvani: Polyseemeistä ersä-mordvan sairausnimityksissä 17.30-18.00 Lastochkina: Homonyms in Mari language 18.00-18.30 Akeldina: Структурно-грамматическая характеристика фразеологических единиц с сенсонимической лексикой: на материале марийского и эстонского языков 18.30-19.00 Albakhina: Лексико-семантические особенности названий пищи в марийском языке 19.00 Dinner 2

October 5 th 9.00-10.00 Breakfast 10.00-11.00 Prof. Gerson Klumpp: Philological methods: the handling of old linguistic data 11.00-11.30 Break 11.30-12.00 Németh: The role of anaphora in topic coding in Northern Mansi 12.00-12.30 Gulyás: How to define impersonal constructions: A case study on Khanty 12.30-13.00 Karácsony: Historical-typological analysis of Hungarian non-finite verb forms 13.00 Lunch 14.30-15.00 Ahola: Modality in the grammar books of Mari language 15.00-15.30 Akeldina: Отзоонимные миконимы марийского языка 15.30-16.00 Salmiyanova: Сравнительно-сопоставительный анализ моделей фразеологических единиц, выражающих длительность в марийском и эстонском языках Break 16.00-16.30 Sidorkina: 16.30-17.00 Coffee break 17.00-17.30 Horváth: Habitual and progressive aspect in Udmurt dialects and literary language 17.30-18.00 Todesk: The augmentative grade of verbal comparative in Komi 18.00-18.30 Zamyatin: An official status ss a tool of language revival? A study of the languages laws in Russia s Finno-Ugric republics 18.30-19.00 Zamiatin: Language in the structure of ethnic identity among young Udmurts 19.00 Dinner October 6 rd 8.00-9.00 Breakfast 9.00 Departure 3

Modality in the grammar books of Mari language Elina Ahola (University of Turku) The topic of my presentation is the concept of modality in the grammar books of Mari language. I will shortly introduce the grammar books (and some other additional studies) of Mari taking into consideration, the tradition of writing grammars and the possible changes in the concept of modality from one grammar book to another. The concept of modality in the grammar books is often presented only as actual (morphological) moods, and other types of modality are left out, even though modality is a far wider phenomenon than verb forms and moods only. Besides the general discussion about the modality in grammars, my special focus will be on the expressions of will (as in desiderative or volitive modality). My presentation will cover the following questions: 1) What is said about moods and modality in different grammars of Mari 2) Are all the grammars alike in the topic of modality 3) Why is modality in grammar books presented as is (tradition of writing grammars) 4) How does the grammar book modality differ from a wider perspective on modality (what the 5) grammars do not tell us about the modality in Mari) 6) How is desiderative/volitive modality presented in the Mari grammars References ALHONIEMI, ALHO 1985: Marin kielioppi. Apuneuvoja X. Apuneuvoja suomalaisugrilaisten kielten opintoja varten. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura, Helsinki. BEKE, ÖDÖN 1911: Cseremisz nyelvtan. Finnugor füzetek 16. Tudományos, Budapest. BERECZKI, GÁBOR 1990: Chrestomathia Ceremissica. Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest. CASTRÉN,MATIAS ALEKSANTERI 1845: Elementa grammatices Tscheremissae. Karsten, Kuopio. KOSKINEN, ARJA 1985: Modaalisuuden ilmaiseminen tšeremississä. Sivulaudaturtyö. Turun yliopisto, suomalaisen ja yleisen kielitieteen laitos. LEWY, ERNST 1922: Tscheremissische Grammatik. Darstellung einer wiesentscheremissischen Mundart. H. Haessel, Leipzig. PALMER, FRANK ROBERT 1986: Mood and Modality. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 2001: Mood and Modality. Second Edition. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. WIEDEMANN, VON FERDINAND JOH. 1847: Versuch einer Grammatik der tscheremissischen Sprache nach dem in der Evangelienübersetzung von 1821 gebrauchten Dialekte. Reval. WICHMANN, YRJÖ 1953 Tsheremissische texte mit Wörterverzeichnis und Grammatikalischem Abriss. Apuneuvoja VIII. Apuneuvoja suomalais-ugrilaisten kielten opintoja varten. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura, Helsinki. Swedish loanwords in the Finnish language Katja Becker (University of Göttingen) Sweden and the Swedish language have always played an important role in the history of Finland. Finland was integrated into the Kingdom of Sweden until the beginning of the 19th century and for a long time, Swedish was the main academic language. In present day Swedish still has the status of the second official language in Finland and is more or less present in the most important affairs.in my master's thesis I am writing about Swedish loanwords in the Finnish language. The first part is dealing with older loanwords on different and more specific subjects that have been collected by other researchers, like for example Lauri Hakulinen. The second and more important part of the thesis is an analysis of the newer Swedish loanwords. The basic resource for this analysis is the biggest Finnish online slang dictionary, the so called urbaanisanakirja, in which users can submit and rate entries of words that seem to be the new Finnish slang. It is to be found out which word groups contain the biggest amount of Swedish loan words and how they are being integrated into the Finnish language by analysing the given examples. 4

How to define impersonal constructions: A case study on Khanty Nikolett F. Gulyás (ELTE) My presentation will provide a brief typology of impersonals in Khanty (demonstrated here with two dialects: Synja and Surgut) in a comparison with Hungarian. Data have been elicited from native speakers using questionnaires and text corpus (Csepregi 2011; Onina 2009, 2011). Impersonalization is associated with the lack of a canonical subject (Siewierska 2008: 116). Impersonals are determined here as constructions with a subject, which does not have prototypical subject properties. Following Keenan s (1976) study, a prototypical subject has the following features; it is an argument that is referential, topical, agentive, definite and animate (Malchukov Ogawa 2011: 23). In most cases, the prototypical grammatical subject bears the highest role in the semantic role hierarchy, that is, it is an agent (cf. Givón 2001). As Tolcsvai Nagy (2012) has pointed out, the prototypical subject stands as the topic of the sentence and it is the most salient participant in the event (e.g. trajector) depicted by the verb, at least in Hungarian. The presentation will offer a complex analysis of some impersonals (such as constructions with verbs describing physical or mental state (1) and impersonal passives (2)) using the above criteria. (1) Lrватыя zэhк. (L. K.) s/he.lat warm S/he is hot. (2) jœŋk-ət nåpət-%at (Csepregi 2011: 26) ice-pl Pieces of ice are floating float-pss.prs.pl3 References CSEPREGI, MÁRTA 2011 [1998]: Szurguti osztják chrestomathia. [Chrestomathy of Surgut Khanty] 2nd revised edition. Studia uralo-altaica supplementa 6. Szeged: JATE Press. GIVÓN, TALMY 2001: Syntax. A Functional-Typological Introduction. Vol. I. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. KEENAN, EDWARD 1976: Towards a universal definition of subject. In: Li, Charles (ed.): Subject and Topic. NY: Academic Press. 305 334. MALCHUKOV, ANDREJ OGAWA, AKIO 2011: Towards a typology of impersonal constructions. A semantic map approach. In: Malchukov, Andrej Siewierska, Anna (eds.): Impersonal constructions. A cross-linguistic perspective. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. 19 56. SIEWIERSKA, ANNA 2008: Introduction: Impersonalization from a subject-centred vs. agent centred perspective. Transactions of the Philological Society 106 (2): 115 137. TOLCSVAI NAGY, GÁBOR 2012: Az alany funkcionális értelmezéséhez. [Toward a functional definition of the subject] In Tolcsvai Nagy, Gábor Tátrai, Szilárd (eds.): Konstrukció és jelentés. Tanulmányok a magyar nyelv funkcionális kognitív leírására. Budapest: DiAGram Funkcionális nyelvészeti műhely. 103 122. ONINA, SOFIA 2009: Szinjai hanti társalgási szótár (nyelvtani vázlattal és szójegyzékkel). [Conversational Dictionary of Synja Khanty: With a short grammar and a glossary] Budapest: Budapesti Finnugor Füzetek 20. ONINA, SOFIA 2011: Szinjai hanti szövegek. [Synja Khanty Texts] Budapest: Budapesti Finnugor Füzetek 21. 5

Polyseemeistä ersä-mordvan sairausnimityksissä Flóra Hatvani (ELTE) Tarkastelen esitelmässäni ersä-mordvan kielessä esiintyviä sairausnimitysten polyseemejä kognitiivisen semantiikan näkökulmasta. Kognitiivisessa semantiikassa polysemiaa pidetään prototyyppeihin perustuvan kategorioinnin yleisenä periaatteena. Tutkin, miten sairausnimitysten erilaiset ominaisuudet ovat suhteessa prototyyppisyyden käsitteeseen ja miten muutamia nimityksiä voidaan ryhmitellä kategorioihin. Sairauksien nimityksiä tutkittaessa voidaan huomata, että yleensä kyseessä ei ole prototyyppinen malli, vaan useimpia tapauksia voidaan kuvata paremmin asteittain etenevän säde-mallin avulla. Yleiskatsauksen jälkeen katsotaan yksityiskohtaisesti seuraavia tapauksia: kos kelda psoriasis, märkärupi, syyhy, ekseema ; ašoń moľema hiivasieni suussa tai sukuelimissä ja aparo orma syöpä, kuppa, infarkti, halvaus eli jokin vakava ja parantumaton sairaus, johon voi kuolla äkillisesti. Yritän esittää ne polysemian merkitysverkkokuvauksen avulla. Tutkittaessa polyseemistä verkkoa täytyy ensimmäiseksi selvittää verkon jäsenien merkitykset ja yhteydet merkitysten välillä, (..), sitten tulee esittää koko merkitysverkosto ja kytkökset merkitysten välillä (Tolcsvai 2013). Tarkoitukseni on näyttää näiden kolmen esimerkin avulla, millaisia ongelmia polysemian tutkimuksessa voi esiintyä. Polysemian ja homonymian välillä ei ole selvää rajaa, mutta ašoń moľema - tapauksen avulla pyrin kuitenkin esittämään, miten polysemia ja homonymia voidaan erottaa toisistaan. Esitelmässä käytetyt esimerkit ovat peräisin aineistosta, jonka keräsin tammikuussa 2013 Mordvan Tasavallasta. Heinäkuussa 2013 menen toiselle kenttätyömatkalle keräämään lisää esimerkkejä esitelmääni varten. Reference Tolcsvai Nagy Gábor (2013): A poliszémia hálózatmodellje (kézirat) Habitual and Progressive Aspect in Udmurt Dialects and Literary Language Laura Horváth (ELTE) In my presentation, I would like to discuss the way aspectual markers (different tenses, adverbs and the frequentative suffix) can express progressive and habitual aspectual meaning in the Udmurt dialects and literary language. In Udmurt, one of the functions of the so-called durative preterite tense is to describe a situation which is progressive, so one that frames another situation (Comrie 1976: 30). The time reference the situation that the progressive event frames can usually be given with a subordinate clause but also with a separate clause: (1) Northern Udm. (Kel makov 1981: 129) [куа кыз] азбар-а-мы лэчк-и-з. [spirit pine] courtyard-illat-px1pl descend-1pst-3sg Ми шуд-ис к-ом вал. we play-prs-1pl COP.1PST [the pine spirit] (...) descended into our courtyard. We were playing. Although the durative preterite can also express e.g. habitual meaning without progressive meaning, the durative preterite derived with the frequentative suffix and another compound tense (the so-called future preterite) can also express habituality. The latter is usually used when the situation happened in the very distant past: 6

(2) Central Udm. (Kel makov 2006: 211) вав-эд вэра-ло-з вал grandmother-px2sg say-fut-3sg COP.1PST your grandmother used to say it I plan to specify the multiple roles of the tenses and the frequentative suffix as well as their occurrence with other aspectual means, e.g. with aspectual auxiliaries of converb constructions, too. References Comrie, Bernard 1976: Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kel makov, V. K. = В. К. Кельмаков 2006: Краткий курс удмуртской диалэктологии. Izhevsk. Kel makov, V. K. = В. К. Кельмаков 1981: Образцы удмуртской речи. Izhevsk. Voiko väärän lainaetymologian erottaa oikeasta? Santeri Junttila (Helsingin Yliopisto) Pohdin alustuksessani lainasanaetymologioitten arvioinnin ongelmia. Lainaetymologia täyttää kaikki muodolliset kriteerit, kun äänteelliset poikkeamat tunnetuista substituutiosäännöistä ovat selitettävissä, merkityserot ovat vähäisiä tai niille voi esittää paralleeleja muista kielistä ja kun originaalia ei voi lähtökielessä osoittaa lainakontaktitilannetta nuoremmaksi. Kaikki muodolliset kriteerit täyttävät lainaetymologiat eivät kuitenkaan voi perustua todelliseen lainautumiseen, sillä sattumalla on aina osuutensa kielellisiin yhtäläisyyksiin. Sana ja sille esitetty originaali joko voivat olla erilähtöisiä tai niillä saattaa olla yhteinen lähtömuoto, mutta niitten yhtäläisyys ei perustu yhteen vaan useampaan lainautumistilanteeseen, joissa on ollut mukana useampia (tunnettuja tai kadonneita) kielimuotoja. Onko mahdollista karsia sattumatapauksia muodolliset kriteerit täyttävien lainaetymologiain joukosta? Käsittelen ongelmaa väitöskirja-aineistooni kuuluvien itämerensuomen balttilaislainaetymologioitten pohjalta ja elokuussa 2013 Berliinissä järjestettävien kurssien valossa (Pieter Muysken Gerrit Koostra: In search of stability in language contact; Dirk Geeraerts: Semantic Change; Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero Silke Hamann: Diachronic Phonology). Historical-typological analysis of Hungarian non-finite verb forms Fanni Karácsony (ELTE) The presentation would demonstrate the central questions and results of my doctoral research which inquires the role of nominality and categorical transitions in diachronic changes of Hungarian nonfinite verb forms. In Hungarian grammatical tradition non-finite verb forms are referred to as a separate word class; this, however, induces a problematic classification, especially in a diachronic analysis. Therefore based on the idea of applying the prototype-theory to word classes (HOPPER THOMPSON 1985; TAYLOR 1998; VOGEL COMRIE 2000) I follow a newer way of categorization using scales instead of rigid categories, that is particularly useful in the case of non-finite verb forms (POMOZI 1997). Old Hungarian texts contain many archaic non-finite verb forms (1) and syntactic structures constructed with them (2): (1) (JókK 97): Szent Ferenc-et löl-t-e vala egyház sepr-et-t-e Saint Francis-ACC find-pst-3sg AUX church[nom.sg] sweep-pst.ptc-loc-px3sg He found St. Francis sweeping the church 7

(2) (FARAGÓ 2002: 198, Szép Erzsébet [folk ballad]) Ő el van a rózsa-mező-be rózsa-virág szed-ni She PRV.away be[prs.3sg] the rose-field-illat rose-flower[nom] pick-inf She is in the rose field to pick roses Most of these have typological equivalents in other Finno-Ugrian languages, especially in Mari. In my presentation these constructions with non-finite verb forms will be analysed in a historical-typological context, referring to other Finno-Ugrian and relevant Altaic control languages (cf. BERECZKI 1983). References BERECZKI Gábor 1983, A Volga-Káma vidék nyelveinek areális kapcsolatai. In: BALÁZS János (ed.), Areális nyelvészeti tanulmányok. Budapest, 207 236. FARAGÓ József 2002, Csángómagyar népballadák, Kriterion, Bucharest HOPPER, Paul J. THOMPSON, Sandra A. 1985, The iconicity of the universal categories noun and verbs. In: Iconicity in Syntax. Amsterdam Philadelphia, 151 183. JókK = Jókai Kódex. 14 15th century. Reprinted: 1986, Codices Hungarici VIII. Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, POMOZI Péter 1997, Satzwertige Partizipien auf -me/-maš/-δme im Tscheremissischen: Problematik und Klassifikation (Bibliotheca Ceremissica, Tomus II). BDTF, Savariae TAYLOR, John R. 1998, Syntactic Constructions as Prototype Categories. In: Michael TOMASELLO (ed.) The New Psychology of Language. Cognitive and Functional Approaches to Language Structure. Leipzig, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, 177 202. VOGEL, Petra M. COMRIE, Bernard (eds.) 2000, Approaches to the Typology of Word Classes. Berlin New York, Mouton de Gruyter. Second-syllable labial vowels in Germanic loan words of Finnic Juha Kuokkala (University of Helsinki) Second-syllable labial vowels are historically an innovation in Finnic and Saamic languages. Whether they emerged already in Finno-Saamic proto-language is still a matter of dispute. In any case, it is clear that the distribution of labial vowels has widened during the development of various Finno-Saamic branches both in the phonological system and the lexicon. It has been assumed that originally both Finnic and Saamic had only one labial vowel phoneme in the second syllable, which has later on split into more phonemes: e.g. Finnish nowadays has four of them (o, u, ö, y), whereas (Northern) Estonian seems to have developed from a language which had three (o, u, y) but nowadays has practically only one (u) second-syllable labial vowel. When innovations affecting the word structure are adopted into a language, loan words often play some kind of a role. A considerable number of the labial vowels occurring in Finnic and Saamic word stems can be analyzed as part of a derivational suffix, which suggests that the spread of the labial vowels is due to innovative suffixal elements, which can be of either borrowed or language-internal origin. There are also non-derived labial-vowel loan words that have (possible) loan originals having a second-syllable labial vowel as well, such as Fi. pyrstö ~ pursto (bird) tail < PGerm. *burstō. The aim of my current presentation is to collect the corpus of the older Germanic loan words in Finnic having labial vowels in the second syllable and to find out the possible correlation of the quality of the second-syllable vowel with that of the loan original. The material is taken from LÄGLOS, the lexicon of the older Germanic loan words in Finnic, the final volume of which was published in 2012. Statistics are made on the correlations in loan words of different ages and on the geographical distributions. Finally, considerations are made concerning the role of the Germanic loan words in the development of the Finnic word structure and second-syllable labial vowels in particular. 8

Homonyms in Mari language Elena Lastochkina (University of Tartu) Homonyms (from Greek homos - similar and onoma name) are usually defined as words whish have identical sounding or spelling but have nothing in common in their meaning. Consider following sentences: Йоча пÿкеныште шинча.-тудо йомакым сай шинча. A child sits on a chair. - He knows the stories very well. There are so many homonyms dictionaries in the other languages, but we don t have such vocabulary in Mari. Homonymy is the result of various processes which take place in a language. In Mari quite a number of homonyms have been created through the break of polysemy: Могыр «body»-могыр «side». It is hard to determine cleary where polysemy ends and homonymy begins. With polysemy a single word has several connotations while with homonymy different words coincide in form. When a word is polysemantic, it will often have a set of antonyms. Homonyms may be formed through the changes in the meanings of the words. Different meanings of one and the same word may lose their semantic connection and may form different words which coincide in their phonetic form (phonetic convergence) but have nothing in common in their meaning, e.g.: кид «arm» -кит «whale». But in Mari languages most of homonyms can be formed with different suffixis: уш +ем(-ем- прит. суф.) «my mind»- уш+ем(-ем- к.-ш. жап глаголын мутмучашыже) «I link». Our scientist classified four types of homonyms: 1) lexical homonyms is similar parts of speech which has like lexical and grammatical meanings: пуш Ι «smell» пуш ΙΙ «boat». 2) morphological homonyms treat to different parts of speech: корем Ι «ravine» (noun) корем ΙΙ «I draw» (verb). 3) homophones are words with the same sound but different spellings and different meanings: öрш Ι «bullfinch» öрыш ΙΙ «mustache». 4) homographs are words accidentally identical in spelling but different in sound and in meaning: ко жла Ι «spruce» кожла ΙΙ «forest». So, homonyms are special part in lexicology and they can use in puns( play upon words), poems. The role of anaphora in topic coding in Northern Mansi Szilvia Németh (ELTE) Languages can be organized along a spectrum in terms of their grammatical marking of information structure, with topic prominence at one end and subject prominence at the other. Since no language displays pure topic or subject prominence, the terms weak and strong are used to refer to topic or subject prominence. According to this classification, Mansi, like the rest of the Uralic languages, constitutes a strong topic-prominent language (Skribnik 2001:222). A diverse range of definitions of topic can be found in the literature; in my research, I use the definition provided by Givón, who considers the topic (T) to be the element that marks old information in the sentence (Givón 1979:28) and examines it strictly in discourse. Important features of the topic are anaphoric referential accessibility, as well as cataphoric thematic continuity (Givón 1990:740). In terms of the latter feature, T can be categorized into the following three types: chain-initial (the first occurrence of T), chain-medial (T is continuous with both the previous and the following items) and chain-final (T is continuous with the text that precedes it but not with the text that follows it). In discourse the most important, most continuous topic, known as the primary topic, tends to be marked by the grammatical 9

subject, and the second most continuous topic (secondary topic) is marked by the grammatical object (Givón 1984:138). A great deal of research has investigated the relationship between anaphora and the topic (e.g., Nikolaeva Kovgan Koskareva 1993), and Skribnik (2001) has looked at this area in Mansi in particular. In her research, Skribnik distinguishes the discourse topic (T 1 ) and the paragraph topic (T 2 ) and found that they differ in their coding strategies. T 1 is expressed with zero anaphora in 80% of chain-medial (and with an NP or pronoun in the remaining 20%). In contrast, only 50% of case of T 2 are marked with zero anaphora, and 39% with an NP and 11% with a pronoun (Skribnik 2001:232). In earlier corpus analysis I found that these statistics do not reflect newer published texts or translations: in these texts, T 1 is characterized by the restatement of the pronoun or noun. The texts I examine differ from those of Skribnik not only in style but also in their date of origin, and for this reason it is worth examining the differences from a diachronic perspective as well. In my research, I examine T 1-2 and anaphoric relationships in northern dialects of Mansi. The corpus, which has about 5,000 clauses, is made up of texts from two periods and three genres : (a) prosaic folklore texts, (b) newspaper articles, (c) translated texts about literature. My hypotheses are the following: 1. Groups A and B differ will greatly from group C in terms of anaphoric T-coding. 2. Group C will show Russian influence, as can be confirmed by an analysis of the original Russian texts. 3. Russian influence will also be evident in the texts of group B, although to a lesser degree than in group C. References Givón, Talmy 1979: On Understanding Grammar. New York San Francisco London. 1984: Syntax. A Functional-typological Introduction. Volume I. Amsterdam Philadelphia. 1990: Syntax. A Functional-typological Introduction. Volume II. Amsterdam Philadelphia. Nikolaeva, Irina & Kovgan, Elena & Koskareva, Natalia 1993: Communicative roles in Ostyak syntax. FUF 51: 125 167. Skribnik, Jelena 2001: Pragmatic structuring in Northern Mansi. Congressus Nonus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum 7. Tartu: 222 239. Paths to the future in Livonian Miina Norvik (University of Tartu) Cross-linguistically frequent sources for future grams are movement verb constructions, constructions containing the verbs be, become and related meanings (Bybee et al. 1994: 275) In Finno-Ugric languages, the verb with the meaning begin is also attested as a common source for future grams (Metslang 1996). The aim of this presentation is to analyse to what extent the corresponding verbs have grammaticalized into future grams in Livonian. The verbs to be studied are the following: sǭdõ become, līdõ will be, īedõ stay, remain, irgõ and akkõ begin, tūlda come, and lǟdõ go. Other objectives are to discuss in which way their usage is specialized and does it differ depending on the text type. The linguistic data mainly originates from Setälä (1953), Kettunen (1925), Stalte (2011), ŪT (1942). It will be shown that sǭdõ and līdõ are the most grammaticalised future time reference devices that express modal, aspectual and temporal meanings in connection with the future. The verbs tūlda and lǟdõ have developed additional meanings in addition to motion they also express CHANGE. Conveying CHANGE can be regarded as an intermediate stage of the development of sǭdõ and līdõ as well. With respect to specialization of uses, it becomes clear that sǭdõ occurs in passive relations, līdõ in active relations. Considering the text types, the preliminary result s show that irgõ and akkõ are relatively 10

rare in New Testament (translated text), but they are commonly used in the sources that include oral texts (e.g. Kettunen 2005, Setälä 1953). References Bybee, Joan & Perkins, Revere & Paglicua, William 1994: The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Kettunen, Lauri 1925. Untersuchung über die livische Sprache. I, Phonetische Einführung. Sprachproben. Tartu: Postimees. Metslang, Helle 1996: The Development of the Futures in the Finno-Ugric Languages. Erelt, Mati (ed.), Estonian: Typological Studies I. Tartu Ülikooli eesti keele õppetooli toimetised 4. Tartu: Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus. 123 144. ŪT = Ū Testament (1942). Helsinki. Setälä, Eemil Nestor 1953: Näytteitä liivin kielestä. Suomalais-ugrilaisen Seuran toimituksia 106. Helsinki: Suomalais-ugrilainen Seura. Stalte, Kārli 2011. Jelzi sõnā: ābēd jā īrgandõks lugdõbrōntõz. Tartu: Jemākīel Seltš, Līvõ Kultūr Sidām. Koltansaamen õõttâ-verbijohdokset: semanttinen luokittelu Auli Oksanen (Helsingin yliopisto) Koltansaame on uhanalainen kieli, jota puhuu äidinkielenään arviolta enää 150 250 ihmistä, Koltansaame kuuluu uralilaisen kielikunnan itäsaamelaiseen kieliryhmään. Koltat ovat Venäjän Kuolan niemimaan alkuperäisväestöä, josta suurin osa tuli toisen maailmansodan seurauksena evakkoon Suomeen. Menetettyään alkuperäiset elinalueensa Kuolan niemimaalla koltat asutettiin Suomen Lappiin Inarin kunnan itäisille alueille. Väitöskirjani käsittelee koltansaamen õõttâ-johtimella johdettuja verbejä. Kysymyksessä on alun perin refleksiivinen ja resiprookkinen transitiivisen kantaverbin intransitiivistava johdin, joka on aikaa myöten alkanut saada muitakin funktioita ja alkanut liittyä myös intransitiivisiin kantaverbeihin sekä nomineihin. Õõttâ-johtimella johdetut sanat edustavat siten eri aspektuaalisia ja semanttisia asiantilatyyppejä sekä semanttisia verbijohdostyyppejä. Keskeisimmät tutkimuskysymykseni ovat õõttâ-johtimen funktiot, historia ja produktiivisuus sekä õõttâ-johdosten merkitykset, tyypittäminen merkitysten perusteella, merkitysjakauma laajempi- ja suppealevikkisemmissä verbeissä ja morfologis-semanttinen rakenne. Esitelmässäni käsittelen õõttâverbien semanttista luokittelua. Esimerkkejä eri semanttisiin johdostyyppeihin kuuluvista õõttâ-johdoksista: varsinaisrefleksiivinen kaar-õõttâ-d kietoutua kaarrâd sitoa; kääriä liikerefleksiivinen čeävt-õõttâ-d heittää kuperkeikkaa čeävted heittää, paiskata resiprookkinen kaaun-õõttâ-d kohdata toisensa kaunnâd löytää subjektin omaisuuteen kohdistuvaa toimintaa ilmaiseva kää ddst-õõttâ-d taakoittaa poronsa kä ddsted taakoittaa poro adversatiivipassiivinen kää cǩst-õõttâ-đ tulla purruksi kää cǩsted puraista automatiivinen čåujj-õõttâ-d tukehtua čåu jj vatsa momentaanis-subitiivinen huõtt-õõttâ-d havahtaa, huomata yhtäkkiä huõttad huomata, älytä essentiaalinen ilbb-õõttâ-d ylpeillä ilbbâd ylpeä 11

Inflectional morphology of Soikkola Ingrian Eva Saar (University of Tartu) This presentation discusses the inflectional system of nouns and verbs in Soikkola Ingrian. The study uses the principles of classificatory morphology: the differences in the morphological behaviour of the words are mapped by means of identification of inflectional types. The classifications go through several stages, firstly clarifying the source and sub-classifications, which form the basis for the compilation of overall classifications in the final stage. In addition to grade alternation, the traditional classification basis for Finno-Ugric classificatory morphology, the occurrence of the phonological stem forms (and also the formatives) of Soikkola Ingrian are also influenced by different types of prolongation incidences: general gemination (SgP kottiia house, Inf sannooa to say ), special gemination or the gemination of obstruents (IndIpfSg3 ambui to shoot : IndPrSg3 ampuu), the gemination of three- and five-syllable words (SgN putteeli bottle : SgIll pudelii), and assimilation geminates (PsPtsIpfPl pesseed to wash ). These phenomena can occur in a paradigm simultaneously with grade alternation. Specifying the margin between the stem and the inflectional ending in Soikkola Ingrian is a complicated and often arbitrary operation, because the once agglutinative language has undergone and is still undergoing significant development processes. Clarifying the classification, the decision has been to discard the former margin between the stem and the category marker (inflectional ending) in several cases, because proceeding from the historical margin has not appeared to be the most practical approach nor yielded the best result in classification. The following source and sub-classifications are necessary for mapping stem alternation and identifying stem variants when identifying the inflectional types of the Soikkola Ingrian verb and noun: 1) the source classifications for the alternation of stem-internal consonants; 2) the source classifications for the alternation of stem-final sounds; 3) the source classifications for morphological formatives; 4) the source classifications for the alternation of stem variants. The explored linguistic material origins from dictionaries, scientific research and Ingrian school books; the paradigms have been complemented during fieldwork at the Soikkola peninsula. The augmentative grade of verbal comparative in Komi Triin Todesk (University of Tartu) The topic of this paper is a unique phenomenon found in the Permic branch of the Uralic languages, the augmentative grade of verbal comparison or усилительная степень глаголного действия (Cypanov 2005; ÖKK). This paper gives an overview of the formation of the augmentative grade and the main restrictions its usage has with different verb classes in the modern Komi language. The results are based on examples from literature and questionnaires filled by native speakers of Komi. The formation of the augmentative grade of verbs in Komi is quite similar to the comparison of the adjectives the same comparative suffix -джык is used (in the example glossed as CMPR). Morphosyntactically, there are few restrictions on its use and the suffix can occur with finite verb forms in all tenses and persons in both affirmative (1) and negative, and also with infinitive (Bartens 2000). (1) Köнi йöз-ыс ветл-ö-джык, /---/ (Popov 2008: 111 112) where people-nom.3sg go-3sg-cmpr where people go more /---/' From the lexical semantics point of view, so far it has been stated that the inherent aspect of a verb determines whether it can be given an augmentative grade or not. According to Cypanov (2005: 249) verbs of movement, action, thought, state, and change of quality are eligible for comparison, while existential and momental verbs are not. He, however, provides no supporting data for such a generalisation, leaving a major aspect of this phenomenon unexplained. 12

The results of this study show that the restrictions offered by Cypanov (i.e. that the type of the verb determines whether it can appear in the augmentative or not) are too narrow. Instead, the lexical aspect of the verbs plays a more significant role (based on the inherent oppositions stative/dynamic, telic/atelic, and punctual/durative). According to the preliminary study, telicity and duration are the more prominent factors. For example, inherently atelic verbs (2a) which appear in a telic situation (2b) or certain verbs which are inherently telic (3) are unlikely to occur in the augmentative grade. Semelfactive verbs are also rare to appear with the джык-suffix, mainly due to the lack of their inherent duration. (2) a. to run [atelic] b. to run to the park [telic] (3) to finish (smth) [telic] In addition to the lexical aspect of a verb, this paper also takes into consideration the context the verb can be found in (i.e. does the context change the way the verb could be interpreted, like with examples (2a) and (2b), and does that affect the usage of the джык-suffix). References Bartens, Raija 2000. Permilaisten kielten rakenne ja kehitys. Helsinki: Suomalaisugrilainen seura. Cypanov 2005 = Цыпанов, Е.А. 2005. Грамматические категории глагола в коми языке. Сыктывкар. 244 254. Popov 2008 = Попов, Алексей 2008. Повесьтъяс да висьтъяс. Сыктывкар: Анбур. Van Valin, Robert D., Jr. 2005. Exploring the Syntax-Semantics interface. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ÖKK = Öнiя коми кыв : морфология 2000 / [В. М. Лудыкова, Г. А. Некрасова, Э. Н. Попова... и др.]; дасьтöма Г. В. Федюнева; Россияса наукаяс академия, Коми наука шöрин, Кыв, литература да история институт Language in the structure of ethnic identity among young Udmurts Aleksandr Zamiatin (University of Tartu) Language is frequently an important factor of ethnic identity. However, nowadays considerable amount of individuals identify themselves as Udmurts without having language competence or having only a passive Udmurt language knowledge. The evidence for this tendency could be found even in population censuses, where the data on nationality (ethnicity) are based on self-reporting. The data of the 2010 All-Russia population census indicate that there were 552 thousand people in Russia who identified themselves as Udmurts but only 324 thousand people who reported having knowledge of the Udmurt language. That is, a significant share (41%) reported themselves as Udmurts without reporting the according language knowledge. This share might be even higher, because among those who reported knowledge of Udmurt were people of other nationalities. At the Sympsium I would like to discuss the role of language for ethnic identity, namely how young Udmurt people, both who speak Udmurt and who don t, refer to the language. An official status as a tool of language revival? A study of the languages laws in Russia s Finno-Ugric Republics Konstantin Zamyatin (University of Helsinki) The study explores the legal and institutional position of Finno-Ugric languages according to the language laws of the national republics in post-soviet Russia. The aim is to understand whether the republican authorities intended to use official designation of state language as the policy device for ensuring revival of titular languages. The approach of the study is to test the revivalist theories that establish the link between official status and language revival by comparing the number of 13

institutionalized elements of the official status in the republics. For the purpose of comparison, the study focuses on education and work environment among the domains in the public sphere of language use. The results demonstrate that the framing of the official status in these sectors provided only some additional opportunities for the expansion of language use, while the extent in their institutionalization directly correlated with the level of political representation of ethnic elites. 14