SOUTH-EASTERN CONTACT AREA OF FINNIC LANGUAGES

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1 Pauli Rahkonen SOUTH-EASTERN CONTACT AREA OF FINNIC LANGUAGES IN THE LIGHT OF ONOMASTICS Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed, by due permission of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Helsinki, in the Auditorium XII, Main Building on the 11 th of May, 2013 at 10 o clock.

2 Copyright Pauli Rahkonen, 2013 Front cover designed by Designspot, Jenni Muiniekka and the photograph the River Vääksy by the author ISBN Bookwell Oy

3 Contents Preface 5 Abstract.. 6 Introduction 7 1. General remarks 7 2. Research questions and research material 8 3. Methods and adaptation General view Methods implemented Limits of methods: Problems of reliability and interpretation Special case of Russian adaptation Individual articles and their main results Article 1, The Problem of the Čudes Article 2, The Problem of the Meryan-Muroma and ancient Mordvins Meryan-Muroma hydronyms Ancient and modern Mordvin hydronyms Article 3, The problem of hydronyms of unknown origin in Finland Article 4, The Problem of the Meščeras Special problems Interpretation of the results of the investigation Heterogeneous sources The historical Finnic-speaking area Archaeological contexts Archaeology and linguistic groups or ethnicity Principal archaeological cultures between the Baltic Finland area and Mordovia Textile Ceramics and Western Uralic. 42 Literature. 45

4 Articles Article 1: Finno-Ugric Hydronyms of the River Volkhov and Luga catchment areas.. 53 Article 2: Границы распространения меряномуромских и древнемордовских гидронимов в верховьях Волги и бассейне реки Оки Article 3: Suomen etymologisesti hämärää vesistönimistöä 153 Article 4: The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe and Principal areas of Settlement. 193 Conclusions The contact zone of Finnic. 231Novgorodian Čudes Meryan-Muroma language Ancient Mordvin hydronyms Etymologically opaque hydronyms in Finland Meščera The ancient West-Uralic languages Literature 244

5 Preface Already as a teenager I was interested in the Finno-Ugrian past. One of my teachers of the Finnish language, Aarre Rauhala, invited me several times to visit his home and discuss this subject. Later, his daughter Pirjo Uino PhD became a remarkable archaeologist who has examined especially the past of the Karelian isthmus. However, in my youth I felt a greater attraction to economics and I graduated from Turun Kauppakorkeakoulu in Soon, I decided that business was not for me and later I went to study Hebrew in Jerusalem in Israel. I graduated with an M.A. in Hebrew with a focus on Bible translation from the American Institute of Holy Land Studies in Most of the teachers there worked at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem as well. The most prominent among them were professors Chaim Rabin (history of the Hebrew language), Emmanuel Tov (the Dead Sea scrolls), Gavriel Barkai (archaeology) and Shmuel Safrai (Rabbinic thought). In the 1990s I accidentally became acquainted with toponyms when I worked as a social worker for war veterans in the town of Lahti. A military officer gave me military maps ( ) of the Russian North. When examining those maps I was surprised because most of the hydronyms obviously originated neither from Russian nor any Finnic language. In 1999 I was accepted into the PhD program at the Department of History and Ethnicity of Jyväskylä University. I wrote a manuscript for my doctoral dissertation in 2008 concerning the settlement history of ancient Finno- Ugrian tribes in Central and Northern Russia. However, one of the referees, Prof. Janne Saarikivi, suggested that I complete the work at Helsinki University s Department of Finno-Ugrian Studies in order to be on a firmer linguistic ground. No doubt, this was good advice. After nearly five years I have finally finished the work. It is time to express my gratitude to everyone who has contributed to the dissertation and assisted me. I thank my wife Eija-Liisa who has been my main sponsor. Apparently due to my age, I never received the kind of financing that would allow me to concentrate full-time on research. I am very grateful to Jyväskylä University and the Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura (Société Finno-Ougrienne) for their smaller grants. I would like to thank my employer Lahti Church of Baptistmission for their patience as their part-time employee. Many thanks go to the various scholars who encouraged and advised me, especially professors Janne Saarikivi and Riho Grünthal at Helsinki University, and Toivo Nygård and Petri Karonen at Jyväskylä University. Special thanks to archaeologists Christian Carpelan, Pirjo Uino and Mika Lavento for their encouragement and tutoring me in archaeology. Such linguists or specialists in onomastics as Arja Ahlqvist, Petri Kallio and Jouni Vaahtera have been most important advisers, and I warmly express my appreciation. My friends in Kotus (Institute for the Languages of Finland) cannot be forgotten here. Finally, I want to mention Rivka Bliboim PhD in Haifa and emeritus professor Heikki Kirkinen in Joensuu as important people who supported me at the beginning of my academic career. Finally, I want to mark this dissertation with the same initials S.D.G. as did the great composers Bach and Handel. Lahti Pauli Rahkonen

6 Abstract The subject of the present dissertation is the West Uralic past, mainly linguistic and settlement history. It focuses on historically known ancient tribes and their linguistic backgrounds such as the Merya, Muroma, Meščera and Čude as well as on some unknown Uralic tribes and languages. The tools employed are onomastics (mostly hydronyms) and archaeology. The main results of the study are as follows. The Meščera seem to have been a tribe inhabiting the left bank of the Middle Oka and, surprisingly, they most probably spoke a Permian language. It seems that linguistically two kinds of Novgorodian Čudes lived in the catchment areas of the Upper Volkhov and Luga. Traces are found of East Čudes and, further west, West Čudes. Both of these were apparently not Finnic tribes. The language of the East Čudes shows similarities with Meryan. The West Čudian language shows some features of Mordvin and probably Early Proto- Finnic. The Meryans and Muromas were linguistically close relatives. Their languages may have been only two dialects of the same language. The Meryan language stretched as far as the western parts of Vologda oblast in the north. A kind of Meryan was spoken in the Moscow area as well. The Meryan language had a cognate language in the eastern parts of Novgorod and Tver oblasts which I have called East Čudian. Apparently another related language was spoken in the eastern parts of Leningrad oblast, in the south-western parts of Arkhangelsk oblast and in Karelia in the Lake Onega region probably before the Finnic era. Ancient Mordvin-type toponyms are found in Kaluga and Moscow oblasts. There seem to have been two extreme edges of ancient Mordvin hydronyms, the first in the environs of the town of Tver and another on the left bank of the Volga between the river Kostroma and the estuary of the Unža. It is possible that an unknown Uralic x-language (or languages) was spoken in Finland, Karelia and in the North Russian lakeland. In my opinion, this language probably cannot be derived from Proto- Finnic or Proto-Saami. I have presented a hypothesis that this language was spoken by the population (and their descendants) of the early Textile Ceramics culture. In any event, the lexicon shows similarities with the Meryan language as defined by hydronyms.

7 INTRODUCTION 1. General remarks This study is an academic dissertation for the degree of PhD in Finno-Ugrian linguistics. It consists of four articles which were previously published in various peer-reviewed journals. The articles focus on hydronyms located between Finland and the present-day Republic of Mordovia in Russia, these regions included. The purpose of the study is to describe, as far as possible, the character of the languages, the boundaries of settlement and the linguistic relations of the groups investigated in this dissertation with other Finno-Ugrian groups. Many of these languages are presently extinct. The articles in this dissertation are the following: Article 1: Finno-Ugric Hydronyms of the River Volkhov and Luga catchment areas. Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 93. Helsinki Article 2: Границы распространения меряно-муромских и древнемордовских гидронимов в верховьях Волги и бассейне реки Оки. Вопросы Ономастики 1/2012. Екатеринбург Article 3: Suomen etymologisesti hämärää vesistönimistöä. Virittäjä 1/ Article 4: The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe and Principal Areas of Settlement. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen

8 The character of these articles is more empirical than theoretical. As already stated above, the main goal has been to determine the linguistic background and areal distribution of hydronyms in territories under investigation that supposedly were populated by Finno-Ugrian peoples in the past. The old Russian chronicles mention such tribes as the Čudes, Meryans, Muromas and Meščeras, offering some useful information on their principal areas of settlement. Because the languages of these tribes are now extinct without any direct descendants, it is very challenging to reliably determine toponymic etymologies based on the languages of these vanished tribes. Consequently, the methods employed must be well grounded. Therefore, I introduce the methods and criteria used in the articles in detail in this introduction. In what follows, the Scientific transliteration of Cyrillic is used with the exception of some generally accepted names (e.g. Moscow, Merya, Arkhangelsk, Ryazan, Yaroslavl, Volkhov, Sukhona, Erzya). 2. Research questions and research material It has long been assumed that the vast area between the modern territories of the speakers of Finnic and Mordvin was once populated by Finno-Ugrians. This hypothesis was first presented based on toponymic evidence in the 19th century by e.g. Europaeus ( ). Later, the same assumption was put forward by many toponymists (Popov 1965; Matveev etc.), archaeologists (e.g. Rjabinin 1997; Sedov 1979; Tret jakov 1966) and linguists (Vasmer ; Kalima 1944). This area between the Finnic-speaking territory and Mordovia was populated, according to the old Russian chronicles (PSRL 1965), by tribes which later have been assumed to be Finno-Ugrian (e.g. Rjabinin 1997 and attached literature). It is important to note that the chronicles themselves say nothing of the linguistic background of these tribes. They only mention that some of the groups under consideration had their own language (ibid. 1997: 214). The most important source for a reliable examination of these ancient languages is thus historical onomastics. Linguists have discussed the paradox that Finnic and Mordvin seem to be closely related languages both on the basis of the lexicon as well as the grammatical structure, although geographically they are spoken far away from each other (e.g. Grünthal 2007: ). In recent studies it has been suggested that Finnic, Saami and Mordvin seem to form a mutually more closely connected westernmost Uralic branch (ibid. 2007: 116; Jaakko Häkkinen 2009: 46;

9 Saarikivi 2011: 88 95, ). In earlier studies, many scholars have used the concept of a Finno-Volgaic protolanguage (e.g. UEW, Terho Itkonen 1997: ; Bartens 1999: 13) and even of a Proto-Finno-Volgaic community (von Hertzen 1973: 88). The latter theory has been widely abandoned among most Finno-Ugrists. The assumed Finnic-Saami-Mordvin protolanguage or Western Uralic (see e.g. Häkkinen 2009) is phonologically more archaic than, for instance, the Permic or Ugric languages. Terho Itkonen (1997: 236) claims that there existed only a small difference between Finno-Volgaic and Finno- Permic (or even Finno-Ugrian ). Many researchers, e.g. Mikko Korhonen (1981), Pekka Sammallahti (1988) and Petri Kallio (2007: 229) note that the consonant system of Early Proto- Finnic is still very close to that of Proto-Uralic. The vowel system of Proto-Permic, however, differs considerably from the system reconstructed for the Finno-Ugric or Finno-Permic protolanguages (see e.g. PS = Sammallahti 1988: 524; Bartens 2000: 58 59), while the vowels of the Finno-Saami- Mordvin protolanguage show a much greater similarity to earlier stages of the Uralic languages. It is natural to assume that the languages spoken in the area between the Baltic Sea region and the Republic of Mordovia may have represented intermediating forms of Uralic languages between Mordvin and Finnic. One of the main goals of my articles was to reconcile this hypothesis. Basically, hydronyms give only very limited information on extinct languages. However, morphological, phonological and some other regularities in toponyms/geographical names make it possible to draw conclusions on some features of these languages (cf. Matveev 2001: 73 75). The research methodology is full of difficulties and presents a number of questions. The methods should resolve certain problems I set out below. The most important questions investigated in the articles of this study are the following: 1) What happened with toponyms when Slavicization took place in the area under study? Were the old names usually adopted or were they translated into Russian? To what extent did Slavic names replace Finno-Ugrian toponyms? 2) How reliably can the original forms of names be defined? What was the role of Slavic adaptation? Is it possible to establish phonological characteristics of ancient substrate languages on the grounds of toponyms? 3) How well have ancient hydronyms and other toponyms been preserved until modern times,

10 or have most of them disappeared? 4) What kind of material can be considered reliable enough for ethnolinguistic research? How should a researcher react to the fact that the quality of the different ways to collect toponyms and the different toponymic materials available in the archives and publications are not homogeneous? Some of the toponyms are collected from field research, some from vast and reliable archives or old literary documents and others from maps. It is obvious that toponyms collected by interviewing informants provide better data, because in such cases different variants of the same name can be utilized in the research. Nevertheless, informants have a tendency to create folk etymologies which may damage the original form of the toponyms. Old names collected from ancient documents are a risky material as well. Ancient scribes usually represented governmental authorities and were speakers of the languages of administrative centers. They may have lacked proficiency in the languages of the autochthonous populations, and consequently names in old official documents may contain many errors and misspellings. People who draw maps ancient or modern have not always been concerned with accuracy in names. For this reason one should be critical when using maps as research material. The most correct way to carry out the research is to compare the different sources with each other whenever possible. 5) Were the naming motivations similar everywhere in the research area? Are certain toponymic types more likely to occur and is it possible to utilize preconceived models when searching for toponymic etymologies of extinct languages? 6) How can toponyms of two closely related languages be distinguished from each other? In which cases do two different but closely related languages stand behind toponyms and in which cases only two dialects of the same language? 7) What do toponyms reveal of the characteristics of the languages behind the names? For example, the topographical and phonological evidence of hydronyms show in the Meryan language the shifts (word-initial) *a > *vo (*vol(o)- < *ala- lower ) and *a > *o (*kol(o) < *kala fish ) in the first syllable after initial consonants (see below). As for the vocabulary, there apparently existed such words as Meryan *jäγra/ä, East Čudian *jädra/ä

11 (roughly east of the River Msta) and West Čudian *järi (west of the River Msta) lake. 1 The languages of the Merya and Muroma exhibit many similarities, but there exist minor phonetic differences, e.g. Meryan *joga ~ Muroma *juga river, Meryan *veksa ~ Muroma *vi ksa river connecting two bodies of water and Meryan *uht(v) ~ Muroma *voht(v) neck of land between two bodies of water (see below). One of the main problems is the quality and reliability of the toponymic material. There are some areas where the material is widely and well documented. Particularly good examples are the Oka catchment area whose hydronyms have been collected by G. P. Smolitskaja (GBO 1976) with several variations of names, as well as the catchment area of the River Svir whose hydronyms have been collected by Mullonen Azarova Gerd (MAG 1997). In the present study I have chosen to extract the names from regional atlases, usually with a scale of 1: or 1: This decision was made for practical reasons, because in many cases this was the only possibility. This means that many small rivers or brooks as well as the variants of the hydronyms are ignored in this research. This is most regrettable, but the material collected from maps is in many cases the only way to proceed, because the research area is too wide for a single scholar to collect the names by interviewing local informants. Toponyms in Finland are well documented and are available in the archives of Kotus (Institute for the Languages of Finland). One should note that among these ignored microtoponyms, the quantity of renamed Russian material increases and the number of Finno-Ugrian substrate names is smaller. For instance, in the Kenozero region located in the southwestern corner of Arkhangelsk oblast, the percentage of Russian names of brooks, according to the material collected by Derjagin Derjagina Manuxin (1987), is approximately 60% (Rahkonen: unpublished manuscript). Russification obviously took place between the 14th and 18th centuries (cf. Loginov 1999: ). In Novgorod oblast, Russification began and was complete much earlier in the Middle Ages, while in Central Russia it occurred approximately between the 10th and 17th centuries (Markov 1998; Rjabinin 1997: ; Tkačenko 2007: 307). Thus the percentage of Russian names of brooks and riverlets in the Novgorod area and Central Russia is supposedly higher than in Kenozero. The estimated number might be 70 90% (see also Matveev 2001: 51; Simina 1980 concerning the Russian North). 1 East Čudian *jädra/ä may originate through old Russian influence from the form *jägra/ä, but the shift *g > d may represent an independent Čudian development as well (Rahkonen 2011: 241).

12 Saarikivi (2006b: 13) states that among the oldest layer of toponyms, most of the substrate toponyms are macrotoponyms. Thus, because of the meager amount of collected microtoponyms, something is lost in this study, but not so much as to prevent quite an accurate overall picture. In some cases, the collections of Max Vasmer s Wörterbuch der russischen Gewässernamen ( ) [WRG] are also helpful. It is good to take into account the fact that the casualties of this loss can be minimized to some extent by focusing the research on what is present instead of what is absent. Thus, one should examine mainly the most common toponymic types as I have mostly done. It should be kept in mind that even if a researcher has the best modern sources, a huge number of original toponyms are lost anyway, and in every case a researcher must be content only with fragments of names. 3. Methods and adaptation 3.1. General view In Central and Northern Russia the number of substrate names is very high. According to Matveev, there exist in Arkhangelsk and Vologda oblasts more than substrate names originating from Finno-Ugric languages (see Saarikivi 2000: 405). For the most part, the languages behind those names are now extinct. Generally speaking, searching for the etymology of substrate names is challenging (see below). Some of them are impossible, some very difficult and others easier to etymologize. In this respect there are different categories of substrate names: 2 1) Toponym based on a totally unknown language. example: In Lapland there exist names that are derived from an unknown non-uralic language (Ante Aikio 2004). 2) Toponym based on an extinct language that did not leave behind direct successors, but having modern cognates. example: Names of Novgorodian Čude, Meryan-Muroma or Meščera origin in Northwestern or Central Russia e.g. *Ilmeŕ, Uχtoma, Ule nka (Ahlqvist 1998; 2001; Rahkonen 2009; 2011; 2012). 3) Toponym based on a vanished language that has direct modern successors. Usually names of this category are linked with protolanguages. 2 See also the classification of Saarikivi (2006a: 12 13).

13 example: Proto-Saami names (e.g. Kuukasjärvi, Njuxca) in Northern Russia or in Southern Finland (e.g. Aikio 2007; Saarikivi 2004b; Mullonen 2002). 4) Toponym based on a modern language that is no longer spoken in the area under study, but is still spoken somewhere else. example: Finnish substrate names in the modern Swedish-speaking area in southern Finland and in Ostrobothnia (e.g. Malax, Pedalax, Terjärv) or Finnish names in the modern Russianspeaking area that once belonged to Finland ( ) and subsequently to the Soviet Union/Russia since 1944 (Pitkänen 1985; Nissilä 1975). Each of these categories has an approach of its own. The etymologies of toponyms in category 1 are almost impossible to determine. In my study, especially category 2 is relevant. The methods implemented in this study are described below in some detail. Ante Aikio (2003; 2007) has dealt with category 3 when examining names derived from Proto-Saami in Finland, Mullonen (2002; 2008) in Karelia and in the River Svir catchment area and Saarikivi (2000; 2006b) and Matveev (2001; 2004) in the Russian North. 3 The Finnish substrate names in Swedish-speaking islands of the Turku area in Pitkänen s (1985) study fall into category 4. As pointed out by Saarikivi (2006b: 9 10), researchers have too often tried to find the correct etymology only by researching the lexicon of attested languages. Practically their sole criterion for the toponymic etymology has been that the words in stems should look similar to the toponyms they are investigating. For example the etymology of the Vuoht-hydronyms are usually derived from Nsa vuohčču narrow bog (SPK s.v. Vuohtajärvi; Sammallahti, Pekka 1989 s.v. vuohčču). A more exact analysis shows that in many cases of Vuoht-hydronyms in these environments, no bog is found at all. It is true that many transparent toponyms can be etymologized in this way. However, there remains a danger of folk etymology and other possibilities for wrong conclusions Methods implemented I have endeavored to follow methodological rules as simple, unambiguous and reliable as possible. I have not invented any new methods that have not been presented earlier by other scholars, e.g. by Ageeva (1989), Matveev (2001), Mullonen (2002), Saarikivi (2006a/b), Salmons (1992) and others. 3 Aikio has used Proto-Saami as a tool of research, not as a realistic spoken language.

14 The following principles have been essential in my work in order to find the most probable etymologies: 1) It is safer to focus the study on naming motivations occurring frequently. In that case the etymology must be one of the most common. Because the motifs of naming in Uralic languages everywhere are rather similar to each other, it is possible to track down the meanings of the words behind the toponyms by comparing them with cognate languages or protolanguages. 2) There may be only a few dozens of motifs in frequently repeated stems of hydronyms (see Kiviniemi 1990: ; Saarikivi 2004b: ; 2006b: 18 21). If the number of toponyms belonging to the same type is sufficient, it is possible to observe regularities or irregularities in the structure, phonology and morphology (see Matveev 2001: ). 3) In Uralic naming systems certain opposite pairs are usual in toponyms. Such pairs include big little, white black, upper lower, etc. Even if the language behind the hydronyms is unknown and extinct but suspected to have been Uralic, it is possible to examine these pairs by comparing the hydronyms with living Uralic languages and with layers of protolanguages. For instance, in the Meryan-Muroma territory the word *il(e) can be compared with Finnic *ülä upper < PU *üli (PS536). 4 There occur such il(e)-toponyms in Meryan and Muroma as Ile me nka (GBO95), Ile m ka~ili nda (GBO193), Ile nda (GBO228), Ili mdina (GBO269), Il d (AJO58/59) and Ile zem (AKO84). These are regularly located in the upper course of their water system. Correspondingly, it is possible to discern the word meaning lower in the substrate languages by comparing hydronyms with Mordvin alo/ala, Mari ül-, Proto-Saami *vōlē (Lehtiranta 2001: 152) and Proto-Finno- Ugric *e la (PS536). In the Meryan-Muroma area there occur such vol(o)-hydronyms as Vole š ka (GBO207), Volo kša (GBO196), Volo ga (GBO84), Volo š ka (GBO195,196,262,270, AJO 60), Vol ovskoe oz. (AJO69), Vol inka (AJO106/107), Vol (AKO121), Vol ma (AKO58/84), Vol manga (AKO48, Vol myš (AKO43), Volo mša (AKO155) and Vol ma (AKO31). The pairs big little and white black can be compared with assumed modern cognate languages and protolanguages as well. Of course, there is a 4 In the Meryan area there exists also another stem for upper vere, which can be compared with Mordvin veŕ upper ; cf. such rivers as Vere ksa (AJO57), Vere me evka (AKO173), Ver ženka (AKO184), Vere na (AKO197) and Ver ža (GBO210).

15 danger of folk etymology and it is impossible to reach full certainty in all details. 4) There are lakes, rivers, brooks, etc., which are named according to a regular semantic criterion, in many cases on the grounds of specialized geographical terms. I have utilized especially names with the meaning isthmus, route for dragging a boat over a neck of land < PU *ukti and river connecting two bodies of water < PFP *veksi or *viksi. 5 Their topography is usually easy to verify. However, there must be a sufficient number of this type of material and their topographical position must be regular. Especially lakes, more than rivers, may be obviously long, narrow, round or curved which are typical motifs for naming. In Southern and Central Finland, quite a common stem for lake names is kukk(v)-, kuuk(v)-. If the shape of the lake is long, the name can be derived from Proto-Saami *kukkē long. But if the lake is not long in shape, it might be derived instead from Finnish kukka flower in this case probably water lily or in some cases from kukko male bird or kukku- hill ; cf. Finnish kukku-la hill (see Mullonen 1994). The rule of thumb is that the etymologies of lake names are usually easier to determine than those of rivers when using topography as grounds for finding the correct etymology. 5) Examining ethnonyms may give hints for placing hydronyms in the context of the correct extinct languages. The number of ethnonyms must be large enough. It is important to also take into account the density of ethnonyms that occur in toponyms. Stray names do not tell much about the boundaries of settlement. There are some dangers when using ethnonyms as evidence. Firstly, it is useful to know whether the ethnonyms were used as an exonym or endonym. Secondly, it is well known that the ancient Russians called at various times several different Finno-Ugrian tribes чудь [čude] and the Old Russian ethnonym немец [nemec] could mean Scandinavian or German. In my research most of the toponyms derived from ethnonyms are of Russian origin. However, one should note that, for instance, Karelians called Finns ruottši Swede and Finns called, at least occasionally, Karelians ryssä Russian according to the their statehood (as opposed to ethnicity). It is not always easy to determine the origin of hydronyms derived from closely related languages such as Finnish and Karelian because of the proximity of these languages. Even surrounding 5 In this case the form from the PFP level is defined on the grounds of Komi vis river connecting two bodies of water and the name material in Central and Northern Russia and in Finland.

16 ethnonyms may not necessarily offer the correct solution. Saarikivi (2000: ; see also Saarikivi 2006b: 55) has presented the possibility that the Korela toponyms in the Arkhangelsk and Pinega territories possibly refer to an old Karelian population in the northern Dvina basin. However, this does not necessarily mean that all the Finnic hydronyms are of Karelian origin. The Finnic names may originate from an earlier or later era than the ethnonyms. 6) The study of formants is very useful (Matveev 2001; 2004; Mullonen 2002: ; Saarikivi 2006b: 29 34). Saarikivi (2006b: 18) has defined formants as phonotactic types of single-morpheme opaque toponyms having a characteristic feature that makes it possible to understand the word as a place name. Formants are word-final elements in toponyms often based on derivational suffixes or original generics of toponyms that have been modified and rendered opaque. For example, Hima nka is constructed out of an old Finnish anthroponym Hima and the formant -nka (the origin of this formant has been debated in detail Räisänen 2003).To set formants within the context of different languages is sometimes very difficult. In Uralic languages there are formants which are common in several languages. The most common may be the formant -m(v) that occurs all over Central and Northern Russia and in Finland (Mullonen 2002: ; Saarikivi 2006b: 31). I have dealt with the problems related to the formant -lja (-ля) in article 1 of this volume and the formant -ks(v)/-kš(v) in article 2. It must be noted that these particular formants as well as some others can be attached to stems originating from many different languages. 7) The principle presented by Salmons (1992: 267), Ageeva (1989) and Saarikivi (2006b: 15) is essential in my work when determining whether a toponym is a substrate name. That is, irregular phonetic correspondences occur between the languages or dialects which reflect similar toponyms or loanwords originating in a substrate language. For example, the stems Koitere and Koitter- occurring in Finland show a phonetic irregularity, but are most probably derived from the same original (Rahkonen 2013: 25 27). 8) The entire geographical distribution of each toponymic type is very important when tracking down core areas of hydronyms. In my work I have defined the total distribution of several stems and formants of hydronyms. For instance, the distribution map of the formant -lja (Rahkonen 2011: ) proves that this formant is in most cases probably

17 not of Slavic origin, because the distribution does not match with the territories of old Russian dialects (Vaahtera: personal information; DARJA 1986; 1989). In some cases it is possible to determine also the directions of spread. Several Novgorodian Finno-Ugrian toponymic types can be connected with similar types in the Upper Volga area, and at the same time it is possible to notice the discontinuity between Estonia and the Lake Ilmen area (Rahkonen 2011: ). This means that Novgorodian types of Finno-Ugrian names most probably did not spread from Estonia or vice versa, but instead they are linked with the Upper Volga area. In Finland, such stems as vieks- (viiks-, vääks-), vuoht- (voht-, oht-, uht-), suont- (sont-), kem(v) have clear and mutually similar continuity with the corresponding hydronyms between Inner Finland and the North Russian lakeland and the Rybinskij Kostroma Volga area (Rahkonen 2013: 19 27). 6 In Finland these stems do not occur in the archaeological area of coastal cultures that is traditionally understood to have been inhabited by Proto-Finns (e.g. Terho Itkonen 1983; Kallio 2006: 16 18; 2009: 41). 9) A sufficient number of toponyms is needed when attempting to define phonetic characteristics and sound shifts that occurred in an extinct language. It is highly desirable to find as reliable a definition as possible for the historical development of the examined substrate languages. If the sound laws are known, it is easier to find the original form of hydronyms and to decide how to place toponyms in the context of different languages. This helps to determine the correct etymologies as well. It is regrettable that the number of types of many substrate toponyms in my research areas is not as sufficient as one would wish. However, I have dared to define the system of vowels in the Meryan-Muroma language to some extent in article Limits of methods: Problems of reliability and interpretation The methods presented above acceptably solve most of the problems that are connected with toponymic types that occur sufficiently frequently. For several toponymic types, a relatively reliable etymology can be given because of the regular topographic characteristics of the objects they denote. In many cases it is possible to verify the upper and lower bodies of water, special semantic geographical characteristics, principal areas of ethnonyms and the distribution of hydronyms under investigation. The linguistic criteria, such as various phonetic and morphological 6 The North Russian lakeland consists of the large lakes Onega, Lača, Vože, Belozero and Kubena.

18 characteristics, offer good possibilities for comparing names with living modern languages or with well-defined protolanguages. Altogether in this thesis I have presented on these grounds several reliable etymological solutions and defined the connections of the now extinct languages within the Uralic language family. In some cases, the narrowness of the research material weakens the etymology of rare stems of hydronyms. In my thesis this applies especially to the toponyms of Novgorod and Tver oblasts. It seems that linguistically there existed two types of Čudes. 7 One group was close to the Meryans whereas the other group remains obscure. In any case, even the latter one was most probably not a Finnic tribe. It appears that in Finland, a Uralic language was spoken that may have been close to languages spoken in the North Russian lakeland and in Rybinskij Volga region (Rahkonen 2013, map 23). This layer of hydronyms may be very old, dating back even to the early Middle Ages. Sometimes the closeness of two different languages poses problems for the identification of the substrate. It may be difficult to distinguish e.g. Finnish and Karelian hydronyms from each other. I faced the same problem when trying to define the distribution and boundaries of Meryan and Muroma hydronyms (Rahkonen 2013). These two languages seem to have been close relatives, but there are some phonetic differences as well. Sometimes a small detail may provide the solution. For instance, in those Finnish Häme dialects in which *δ > l, the generic bay, gulf is frequently represented by the word pohja (NA; GT2000; Rahkonen: unpublished material); e.g. Häme pohja, Mylly pohja. Traditionally it has been thought that one of the markers of the Häme dialect (*δ > l) are the toponyms with the generic salin- < *sadin; e.g. Salin korpi, Salin niemi, Salin suo, Salin Kallio (NA). In my latest article (2013) I faced the problem of interpretation of hydronyms with the stem vieks-, viiks-, vääks- connecting river between two bodies of water and uht-, oht-, v(u)oht- neck of land, route over land between two bodies of water. The motif of the toponyms is easy to verify. However, the linguistic origin of the words behind these stems is very difficult to determine, because those words or their descendants do not occur in modern languages, neither Finnic nor Saami. Are they words that have been lost from modern languages or already from their protolanguages? Or did these words belong to some extinct Uralic language that was spoken in 7 This claim is based on two different words for lake : *jädra/ä mostly on the right bank of the river Msta and *järi on the left bank (Rahkonen 2011: 242, map 8). This corresponds with the distribution of the words in which *a > *vo-, o [right bank] and *a ~ *a (Introduction, maps 1 and 2).

19 Finland, Karelia or the North Russian lakeland? The methods described above do not give an unambiguous answer, although I personally tend to prefer the hypothesis of an ancient separate Uralic language Special case of Russian adaptation Here I am obliged to deal with the problem of Russian phonological and morphological adaptations of originally Uralic toponyms. This is the case especially concerning my claim that in Meryan, the sound shift *a- > vo- occurred in absolute initial position, while in other positions in the first syllable there occurred the sound shift *a > o. The development corresponds with the linguistic history of Saami (cf. Korhonen 1981; Sammallahti 1998). In principle, this phenomenon could be explained by Russian adaptation. In Old Russian adaptations of some toponyms there existed a sporadic prosthetic v in front of initial o as well; e.g. Oresa ~ Voresa, Orga ~Vorga in the Svir region (see Mullonen 2002: 56). However, the prosthetic v was not regular in different Russian dialects and therefore there should be variants with and without prosthetic v in widely occurring toponyms. As pointed out below, in the Meryan type of toponyms prosthetic v is regular everywhere. map 1. Territories of *a ~ a

20 map. 2. Territories of *a- > vo- word-initially and *a > o in other positions in the first syllable. I have examined the possibility of Russian influence on original Finno-Ugrian *a utilizing five different and rather widely distributed variants of stems that seem to vary between *a- ~ vo- and *-a- ~ -o-. They all occur in Central and Northern Russia. They are variants of the following type: al- ~ vol-, and- ~ vond-, par- ~ por-, paž- ~ pož-, kal- ~kol-. The result can be seen on maps 1 and 2. Obviously in most cases the shift *a > vo-, -o- does not depend on Old Russian influence, but corresponds with the areas of Meryan-Muroma and Novgorodian East Čudic hydronyms in general (see Rahkonen 2011: 241, ; 2012a: 19 27). As expected, the known historical territories of the ancient Mordvins and Veps show the conservative form *a ~ a (map 1). The historical areas of the Merya and Muroma defined by Leont ev (1996) clearly show the shift *a > vo-, o (map 2). 4. Individual articles and their main results The articles included in this dissertation have a thematic focus. Most of the area between the historical Finnic and Mordvinic-speaking territories, those included, is examined. Each of the articles examines place names (mostly hydronyms) within one or more different linguistic groups. Research of this particular geographical area is highly important for several reasons. 1) The historical development of Western Uralic languages is not exhaustively described yet.

21 This concerns especially the mutual relations between Finnic, Saami and Mordvin. Toponyms that are inherited from extinct Western Uralic languages might shed some new light on this problem. 2) The settlement history of the Uralic tribes that have vanished can be properly examined only by means of onomastic studies, because we do not have a sufficient amount of literary documents. The boundaries of different ancient tribes who lived between the modern Uralicspeaking areas in Northern, Central and Northwestern Russia have been defined in these articles by utilizing toponymic types and phonological features in hydronyms Article 1, The Problem of the Čudes Article 1 [published in SUSA 93, 2011], written in English, examines the problem of the Novgorodian Čudes. There has long been the idea that the Čudes are linguistically a Finnic group (see Grünthal 1997: and referred literature). However, no systematic, comprehensive linguistic study of the characteristics of the relevant substrate has been carried out. My approach to solving this problem was the following: 1) Determining the boundaries of transparently Finnic hydronyms. 2) Carrying out a linguistic analysis of Uralic formants and their geographic connections or correspondences. 3) Searching for possible phonetic Finnic features, i.e. such late Proto-Finnic sound shifts as *š > h, *č > t and the initial consonant h that should occur frequently if the language of the Čudes was Finnic as it has been repeatedly assumed. 8 4) Examining the distribution of ethnonyms, especially Čude and Mer(e)/Ner(e). 5) Determining whether there exist hydronyms between Estonia and the Lake Ilmen area linking the ancient Estonians with the Novgorodian Čudes. There do exist some hydronyms in Novgorod and Tver oblasts that are definitely Finnic and, presumably, of a fairly late origin. For phonetic reasons they seem to be of Karelian origin from the 17th century or later when a considerable amount of Orthodox Karelians moved to these regions from Käkisalmi county. Examples of the phonetically Karelian type of hydronyms include 8 The consonant h did not occur in Uralic protolanguages.

22 Hobol ka < *Hoaba la, Huba < *Huaba (from Karelian dial. hoaba and huaba aspen ), Kagra or Kägrä oats or curved and Mušto < *Mušta black. V. L. Vasil ev has published articles concerning archaic toponyms in the ancient Novgorodian Land. He has presented some suggestions of old Baltic toponyms (2001: 8 13) and extensive research into toponyms based on Old Slavic anthroponyms (2005). His conclusions often seem tenable, but he has not dealt much with Finno-Ugrian toponyms in more detail. The main problem of this article was the source material. The names are collected from local atlases and WRG (see section 3). The Finnic names of Ingria could have been collected more accurately from the archives of the Institute for the Languages of Finland (NA). However, the hydronyms mentioned in local atlases are sufficient for determining the boundary of Finnic hydronyms. This article is a fundamental part of my thesis, because of the rather versatile presentation of the methods I have used. The total stock of hydronyms does not reveal many names that could be interpreted as Finnic. Of course, the research material is rather narrow and the assimilation of the Novgorodian Čudes took place early. This may influence the results to some extent. In any event, it is likely that these Čudes were not a Finnic-speaking group Article 2, The Problem of the Meryan-Muroma and ancient Mordvins In Article 2 [published in Voprosy Onomastiki 1/2012], written in Russian, I concentrated on defining the boundaries of Meryan-Muroma and ancient Mordvin hydronyms. Arja Ahlqvist (1998; 2001; 2006 etc.), O. B. Tkačenko (1985) and A. K. Matveev (e.g. 2006) have written on Meryan toponyms on several occasions. However, Tkačenko was not critical enough when using Russian dialectal words from Kostroma oblast as his research material. Matveev did not take into account the fact that there have historically been Mari populations in Kostroma oblast and in Vologda oblast as well. This led him to erroneously consider many Mari stems of hydronyms to be Meryan. Arja Ahlqvist has criticized these Matveev s views as well (1998; 2001). However, Ahlqvist, in turn, did not extend the scope of her research to the Russian North or to Tver and Novgorod oblasts. I used the following criteria when defining what actual Meryan hydronyms are: 1) The demand that an actual Meryan hydronym must at least partially occur in the traditional Meryan core area in Yaroslavl and/or Vladimir oblasts.

23 2) Meryan hydronyms must represent steady and recurring phonemic characteristics from wellestablished words of earlier protolanguages. For example, the hydronym Andoma in Kostroma oblast cannot be of Meryan origin, because hydronyms with the stem and- do not occur at all in the traditional core areas of the Meryans in Yaroslavl and Vladimir oblast and because of the Meryan sound shift initial *a- > vo-. The latter criterion is well attested by several Vond-hydronyms (protolanguage *and- > Meryan *vond-) in Vladimir (Vondega~Vondoga GBO202, Vondina GBO200, Vonduxa GBO221), Yaroslavl (Vondel AJO91) and Kostroma (Vond AKO175, Vondanka AKO73) oblasts. 9 The source material is not fully homogeneous in this research. It was possible to make use of the well-collected material of Smolickaja s GBO to some degree, but partly I had to be content with local atlases (e.g. AJO, AKO, AVO, ATO) and Vasmer s WRG. Regrettably, other sources were not available. The phonology of Meryan is presented cautiously. The lack of different variants of hydronyms casts uncertainty on the result. However, there is no other reliable way to determine what the characteristics of the proper Meryan toponyms are. I believe that I have presented relevant criteria for evaluating toponyms in the light of phonetic regularities Meryan-Muroma hydronyms When defining the boundaries of Meryan hydronyms I used three different methods in order to ensure the results. If all three methods show approximately the same picture, the result is supposedly on a firm footing. These three methods are the distributions of: 1) Common topographical terms and their dialectal variants occurring in the Meryan core area: *veksa river connecting two bodies of water, *uχta isthmus, neck of land (for dragging boats over), *jäγrä lake and molo- move from one catchment area to another. 2) Semantically opposite words *il(e)- upper-, *vol(o)- lower, *väz(ä) little (see Rahkonen 2009: ) and the ethnonym *mer(e)/*ner(e) Meryan. 9 In the Belozero area several names with the stem And- are found. These names probably originate from an ancient tribe called Ves in the old Russian chronicles. The language was likely related to Upper Volgaic languages (personal comment of Irma Mullonen). The stem might be derived from *e mta, which had the meaning give (food) (PS 541). In Finland, corresponding hydronyms Antamanjärvi [Ruokolahti] and Antolampi [Suomussalmi] are found (NA). The motif is lake that gives food.

24 3) Typically Meryan formants -hta/-gda and -pol, -bol (see e.g. Ahlqvist 2001: , , Matveev 2001: ; 2004: 29) and in addition, the not only Meryan but more widely occurring formant -ksa/-kša. 10 All of these hydronyms show rather identical results: Meryan and Muroma were close relatives. In Moscow oblast occur similar hydronyms as in the core area of the Meryans (Yaroslavl and Vladimir oblasts). Meryans also lived in the western parts of Vologda oblast. Hydronyms in the Svir and Karelia areas may reflect a Meryan dialect or a closely related language Ancient and modern Mordvin hydronyms When studying the boundaries of the ancient Mordvins I used as my method the distributions of: 1) Opposite pairs based on the Mordvin words iń(v) vešk-,višk-, vež- big little, veľ al(a/o) upper lower and aš(o), akša čem(eń) white black. 11 2) Generics of hydronyms: Erzya Mordvin eŕke lake, Erzya Mordvin lej and Moksha Mordvin läj. 3) A specific based on Mordvin piče, pičä pine compared with Meryan-Muroma *peč(ä). Their distributions were compared with one another. The referees noted a couple of matters. Firstly, what is the semantic motif of Vond- hydronyms? The stem can be derived from the PFP-level root *e mta give (PS 541). In Mordvin the corresponding word ando ms has the meaning give food (MW 1 s.v. andoms). Fish was one of the basic foods for ancient Finno-Ugrian tribes. Secondly, was the original orthography of Rha (~ Volga) known in old maps really correct? It is very important to note that any other orthographic variations do not occur. The oldest mention of the name is known from Greek sources in the form ΡΑ (Ra) with uncials. Vasmer (ESRJ 1 s.v. Волга) has presented the Greek quotation of the name with minuscules Ρα (Hra or Rha). We do not know where he found this Greek form, but if it reflects the original, it is necessary to observe the spiritus asper, too. The sound h in the middle of the word would be very unnatural for Russian 10 An asterisk (*) here means that the word is a reconstructed Meryan word, not proto-language. 11 Interestingly enough, the modern Mordvin word raužo black occurs nowhere in hydronyms (GBO; Inževatov). It seems obvious that the word appeared in use only recently, while in earlier times the word čeme- black (orig. rusty ) was used; cf. the rivers Čeme r itsa? < * Čeme ra (GBO113), Čeme s koj (GBO266), Čemi s lej (GBO256), Čem rav skoj (GBO117).

25 speakers and there is no reason to suspect that the Russians added it to the original name. The early cartographers were Flemish (Mercator, de Jode, Ortelius) and it is possible that they wrote *ra > rha by analogy with the name Rhein. An original Rha < *r e ha is possible as well. Thirdly, it should be noted that there is a possibility of misspelling in the variants Vojmiga ~ Vojmira. However, the names Nev ra and Nev lej point to the strong possibility of ra = lej river. Further, there is an etymological possibility for -bal, -bol, -pal, -pol to derive them from *poole (cf. Finnish puoli side ). The evidence of the hydronyms suggests that the ancient Mordvins used to live remarkably further west of their present area and the Republic of Mordovia. Today the Mordvins live east of Ryazan, while people who spoke a Mordvin-type language lived in Moscow oblast, in the southern parts of Tver oblast and in the Volga area between Kostroma and Nizhny Novgorod Article 3, The problem of hydronyms of unknown origin in Finland Article 3 (published in Virittäjä 1/2013) is written in Finnish. The amount of large lakes in Finland without any clear etymology is high. Among the names of the 85 biggest lakes, at least 25% are of unknown origin according to the writers of Suomalainen Paikannimikirja (in English The Book of Toponyms in Finland). In my opinion the number is even higher. In theory this can be explained in two ways: 1) Words behind those hydronyms have disappeared from the known Finnic and Saamic languages or already from their earlier layers, Proto-Finnic and Proto-Saamic. 2) The opaque hydronyms are substrate names originating from some unknown language(s). They may originate from extinct Uralic languages or from some Paleo-European language(s). If the language was Uralic, it would be possible to compare the words behind the names with modern languages or with Uralic protolanguages. It is very important to determine the whole distribution of these names, and outside of Finland as well in the Russian North or in Estonia. Mainly I have used the same method as in article 2, i.e. names connected with necks of land (routes used for dragging boats over the neck) and rivers connecting two bodies of water. In order to determine whether the words related to the substrate language notion from which the names under consideration were derived have disappeared from Finnish or Saami, one should prove that there are systematic sound correspondences with the

26 reconstructed protolanguage lexical stock. If the word behind a hydronym cannot be derived accordingly by means of Finnic or Saami sound correlations from the protolanguage, the word cannot have disappeared from these languages. In addition, I have examined the distribution and etymological backgrounds of certain stems, such as kem(v)-?? stream and sont/d-, suont-?? curved, because they are located in the same area as the above-mentioned stems uhta-, ohta-, v(u)ohta < PU *ukti track (over a neck of land), veks-, vieks-, vi(i)ks-, vääks- < PFP *viksi river connecting two bodies of water. 12 The quality of the sources is better than in the case of those studies dealing with the Russian toponyms, being based on the wide collections of the archive of Kotus [Institute for the Languages of Finland] (NA). One may hope more information in variants of the stems based on *ukti and *viksi. It is not easy to explain the reasons for such variants as Uht-, V(u)oht- and Oht- or Vieks-, Viiks- and Vääks-. I have assumed that these are dialectal differences that existed already in the original substrate language. Because we do not know anything of the phonemic characteristics of this language or its dialects, it is impossible to say anything more detailed. One of the referees noted the relatively long distance (7 and 15 km) over the necks of land. It is worth of remembering that the original meaning of the word PU *ukti was track according to Pekka Sammallahti (PS 536); cf. modern Hungarian út way, road. The point is that there has been a road or track in common use from one catchment area of a water system to another. The distance across the isthmus is not important, but rather one must ask, was there a road or pathway in common use already when these sites were named? In all these cases I have presented (Rahkonen 2013: 12 13; maps 1 4) vuoht(v)-names are located close to such ancient tracks, which necessarily were in use already since the times people travelled by boat. Because of the criticism of one referee it should be explained why I assume that vuoht-hydronyms are not derived from Saami *vuoččo < NwGerm *watjō- wet bog (Aikio 2006: 12). At first, as I have pointed out in the article, in some cases there is no bog at all in the vicinity of the vuohthydronyms Vuohtajärvi in Reisjärvi and Vuohtojärvi in Pihtipudas. Secondly, all the vuohthydronyms are located at the last point in the upper courses of their catchment area both in the Suomenselkä area and in Karelia. Thirdly, it is interesting that in the core area of the historical sound shift *čč > ht in the Savo region the original Saami toponym *vuoččō is represented as vuotso 12 The etymological background of the stems kem(v)- and s(u)ont/t- is very obscure. Here the meanings river and curved are presented only as my suggestion, not as a solid fact.

27 and not vuohto; cf. Vuotsinsuo [Joroinen] (NA). If the vuoht(v)-toponyms originate from Saami, then they may have been adopted into Finnish only after the sound shift *ts > ht in the Savo dialect. This may be a rather late event. However, this sound shift does not explain the vuoht(v)-hydronyms in the Republic of Karelia in Russia. It may be hard to accept my explanation of the variant Indiager ~ Inari due to the lack of a reliable phonetic explanation. I have assumed that there existed these two variants of the same name for a long time side by side. If groups of people speaking Proto-Saami came to Lapland in the early Iron Age, there is a good reason to believe that the Saami-speaking population lived side by side with the original inhabitants for a relatively long time. It is known that the variant *ind with d in this particular hydronym was documented already in the year The first variant without d is documented approximately at the same time in the year 1567 (SPK s.v. Inari) and is not necessarily older than the variant with d. This means that the x-language and the variant *Indjäγ(ə)r could have been in use for a long time after the beginning of the linguistic saamification in Lapland. One should remember that the biggest lake on the Kola peninsula has two variants of names as well, the Saami name Avvir and the official name Imandra (EKI; Sammallahti 1989: 512) The hydronym Imandra as well as probably its corresponding name Imatra are of unknown origin (SPK s.v. Imatra). It should not be surprising to assume that the name Indiager originates from the Svir and Sukhona area, because as I have pointed out (Rahkonen 2013: 26), many other hydronyms in Lapland have correspondences in the Svir region. The distribution of the above-mentioned stems give proof of linguistic connections between Finland, Karelia and the North Russian Lakeland and even the Rybinskij Kostroma-Volga region. The range follows the distribution of the so-called Textile Ware ( BC) (see the discussion below in section 5.3). These types of hydronyms occur neither in the so-called area of the Coastal Cultures in Finland nor in Estonia. The main problem is that in my research, I did not have the possibility of examining a larger amount of corresponding hydronyms outside Finland. Article 3 must therefore be understood as only a preliminary enterprise pointing towards a good possibility for an unknown Uralic x-language. A larger and more accurate study is needed. One basic problem is that the only reliable means for finding the correct etymologies for the stems treated here lies in the investigation of regularly occurring geographical qualities related with the name types under consideration, otherwise the etymological reliability is questionable. For this reason, the problem is how to find enough required stems of hydronyms in order to verify the regularity.

28 There exist in Finland names of lakes with the formant -(V)ri. This formant may originate from a Western Uralic word derived from the proto-form *jäkrä ~ *järkä lake < Proto-Indo- European *i euhr (see Rahkonen 2011: and 2012: 30; Mallory & Adams 1997: 636). It is very important to examine which kind of stems these formants are connected with. Do the stems originate from the known Uralic languages Finnic and Saami or are they of some unknown origin? 4.4. Article 4, The Problem of the Meščeras In article 4 [published in FUF 60, 2009], written in English, I have examined the linguistic background and the principal settlement area of the Meščeras. Most of the research material has been adequately collected and published by Smolickaja (GBO 1976). This tribe is known from some old Russian chronicles, but not the Primary Chronicle [PVL]. According to a chronicle Pervaja sofiskaja letopis, the Meščeras lived in the midst of the Mordvins and Muromas (Rjabinin 1997: 214, PSRL 1965). This makes the research of hydronyms especially demanding. I solved this problem by studying especially such opposite pairs as white black, big little and upper lower, antonyms that are characteristic of the toponymy of northwestern Uralic areas. In this way it was possible to distinguish toponyms based on different languages from each other. I compared the results with the available archaeological data, the ethnonyms and the correspondences with Udmurt toponyms, because it maybe alleged that the language of the Meščeras was a Permian one. The weaknesses of this particular article might be my, at that time (2009), insufficient knowledge of Old Russian anthroponyms. Consequently, it is possible that I have interpreted a few hydronyms to be of Uralic origin instead of Old Russian, such as Vele gošča (GBO111) and Vele goži (GBO109), for instance (see Vasil ev 2005). I interpreted the stem vele- in these names as comparable to Mordvin veľ upper instead of the Russian anthroponym *Velegostь > Velegošč. However, in the Oka catchment area there exists a discrepancy of formants in hydronyms, e.g. Tor goša ~ Tor gaš ~ Tor goš ~ Tor gošča ~ Tor gušča (GBO121). This may offer support for the possibility of a Uralic origin (cf. Mordvin kuža < *kuša meadow, glade ) of the above-mentioned toponyms with a possible Russian folk etymology. My knowledge of Old Russian anthroponyms increased by the time I wrote the later articles (2011 and 2012) and similar points of view were taken into consideration when analyzing the material relevant for these publications. One may recall the possibility that vil- upper could belong to any Finno-Ugrian language where Mordvinic *i > *e did not take place. In principle this is correct. However, one should remember that the form vil- is found especially in the same areas with names containing the Permian-looking

29 un- big, ič- little and ul lower. Udmurt vi l(i) upper is substituted by Russian vili even in Udmurtia; cf. Vili šur upper river (Rahkonen 2009: 171). The list of 31 hydronyms which have correspondences in Udmurtia should have been explained better and in greater detail. Unfortunately, there was no space for a longer article in the publication. Today I would have shortened the article, leaving this section out. One of the problems is that the names are of the type CVC-. Thus the stems of the names consist of one syllable only due to the rather regular loss of second-syllable vowels in Udmurt (Bartens 2000: 61 63). However, I have not divided the stems of the hydronyms without reason. In most cases I have followed Atamanov s presentation of the Udmurt formants such as Čep ur inskaja (GBO141), cf. the formant -ur/-i r, Kad ym ov (GBO167), cf. the formant -um/i m (Atamanov 1988: 79) and Ir mes ~ Ir mez (GBO216), cf. the formant -mez, -mes, -mis (ibid. 1988: 60 61). I admit that I should have written it down more clearly. Altogether, this my earliest article was partly a trial run in scholarly writing, and therefore I admit that its level is not as high as I hoped. However, I suppose that the basic result that the Meščera were a tribe speaking a Permian language is justified well enough. 5. Special problems 5.1. Interpretation of the results of the investigation Some problems are related with the presentation of the results of the investigation. I admit that not all of etymologies or the interpretations included in the articles of this study are reliable to the same degree: some are fairly evident, whereas others are hypotheses offered as a direction for future research. In any event, in several cases I tried to take the uncertainties into consideration in my conclusions. However, I am of the opinion that it is useful to present not only what is a watertight case but also what is probable or possible, if it is clearly stated in the text and if there is even some good reasons lending support to the hypotheses As I have written above in section 3 and especially in my article 1 (Rahkonen 2011: ), there are many methods and criteria to employ when endeavoring to prove a hypothesis on past languages

30 with the help of toponyms. The certainty grows if there are several different pieces of evidence pointing in the same direction. These criteria are e.g. linguistic characteristics, topography and distribution of the toponyms. If all the evidence agrees, the interpretation of the results rests on a firm foundation. But if only one piece of evidence suits the interpretation and nothing is arguing against it, then the result is somewhat uncertain but could be possible. If there is nothing that points in any clear direction, neither linguistic characteristics, topography nor distribution, then any results presented are speculative Heterogeneous sources As I have written on several occasions (Rahkonen 2011: 214; 2012: 7), a considerable problem is related to the fact that the toponyms investigated derive from very heterogeneous sources. Usually onomastic studies are carried out in a relatively narrow area where researchers themselves have collected the material (e.g. Mullonen 2002). I have amassed a considerable collection of local atlases and maps covering almost all of Northern (European) and Central Russia. The archive of Kotus (Institute for the Languages of Finland) offers a fine collection of the toponyms in Finland. The topography of the objects can be examined on the site 6. The historical Finnic-speaking area Finnic is a label for several different languages descending from Late Proto-Finnic, such as Livonian, Estonian, Võro or South Estonian, Vote, Ingrian, Veps, Karelian (3 main branches) and Finnish. Livonian, Vote and Ingrian, though still spoken in the first part of the 20th century, are now practically extinct but relatively well documented languages. Veps and all Karelian branches are in great danger of disappearing in the near future. Estonian and Finnish are strong dominant languages in the areas in which they are spoken. According to the evidence of toponyms, there has been at least one but probably two or three Finnic languages spoken in the (Northern) Dvina catchment area and elsewhere in Arkhangelsk oblast (Matveev 2001; 2004; Saarikivi 2006b). It is difficult to distinguish archaic Karelian or Veps dialects from a possible local independent Finnic language. There are many theories on the homeland of the Finnic languages. Terho Itkonen (1983) held to a hypothesis that the Gulf of Finland was the center of early Finnic. He stated that Late Proto-Finnic

31 was divided into three dialects: a northern dialect located in the southern coastal area of Finland, a southern dialect located in Estonia and an eastern dialect in the bottom of the Gulf of Finland and south of Lake Ladoga. When defining which words are of Proto-Finnic origin, this model of three quarter of Finnic is usually used as a basis of definition. Any word that is suggested to be derived from Proto-Finnic should occur in the northern, southern and eastern branches of modern Finnic languages. Kallio (2007: 243) divided Finnic into three early dialects: the dialect of the Gulf of Finland (whence Western Finnish, Karelian, Veps, Vote and Northern Estonian), the dialect of the Gulf of Riga (whence Livonian) and Ancient Čudian (whence Southern Estonian). Ante Aikio has previously supported the idea that Proto-Finnic was not spoken in the southern coastal area of Finland (Aikio & Aikio 2001: 11;). Jaakko Häkkinen (2010a: 32), in turn, following Saarikivi (2004a: ), places the origin of Proto-Finnic somewhere southeast of Finland. In any case, Finnic probably had its origin somewhere around the Gulf of Finland. Names of large and central rivers such as Vuoksi (< Finnic vuo stream ) and Neva (< Finnic neva marsh, river ) must be very old and might represent Proto-Finnic hydronyms. 13 In the southern coastal area of Finland, the names Kymi and Nietoo < *Niet oja (id. later Porvoonjoki) may also be of Finnic origin and derive from, respectively, kymi stream (see SSA I s.v. *kymi; see however SPK s.v. Kemijärvi; Rahkonen 2013: 24) and nieto(s) heap of snow (SSA II s.v. nietos), in hydronyms probably high (snowy?) banks of a river. Mustion joki is clearly a Finnish name < *must oja black river. The river name Vantaa remains somewhat obscure, although Nissilä (see SPK s.v. Vantaanjoki) has derived it from the Finnic word vana water route. In western Finland the names of large rivers, such as Aura and Eura, are supposedly of Germanic origin (Koivulehto 1987). In Estonia the names of many of the most important rivers might be of Finnic origin: e.g. Ema jõgi Est. ema mother [Tartu district] (?? cf. the Lake Piiga ndi < Est. piiga maiden ), Pärnu [Pärnu district] < Est. pärn linden, Valge jõgi [Loksa district] < Est. valge white, Must jõgi [Võru district] < Est. must black. It is possible that Emajogi and especially Piigandi are the result of later folk etymologizing of a name with some unknown origin. However, as a naming motif there exist in Finland numerous toponyms with the stems Finnic *emä (e.g. 3 Emäjoki), *neit(v)- maiden (e.g. Neitijärvi, Neittävänjoki, Neittävänjärvi) and Saami stems that can be derived from Proto Saami *nejte id (GT2000; NA). 13 It seems that the word *neva occurred in some language(s) in the Oka catchment area as well, most probably in Ancient Mordvin; cf. the names of rivers Nev lej GBO242,264, Nev ra GBO223, Neva GBO185.

32 map 3. The historical southern boundary of Finnic hydronyms, excluding hydronyms produced by the Karelian refugees of the 17th century. These seemingly very old names of relatively large rivers in southern Finland, modern Leningrad oblast and Estonia support the hypothesis that Proto-Finnic was spoken for a long time on both sides of the Gulf of Finland and it thus basically corresponds to the hypothesis of Terho Itkonen (see above). In the Novgorod, Tver or Vologda oblasts of Russia, Finnic names for large rivers cannot be found (Rahkonen 2011: 229). For this reason, it is likely that the Late Proto-Finnic homeland was the area around the Gulf of Finland. Beyond the southeastern boundary of the modern or historically known Finnic-speaking area, there exists a toponymic layer belonging to the supposedly non-finnic Novgorodian Čudes (see Rahkonen 2011). In theory it is possible that Proto-Finnic and Proto-Čudian separated from each other at an early stage or it is even possible that Proto-Čudian was identical with Proto-Finnic. However, this cannot be proven, because there is not enough material available describing what Novgorodian Čudic was like exactly.

33 7. Archaeological contexts 7.1. Archaeology and linguistic groups or ethnicity Because in most of the articles I have presented archaeological data, it is reasonable to discuss the problems and restrictions of archaeology in resolving linguistic or ethnic matters. Lately, there has been a great deal of discussion on the correlation between archaeological data and ethnic or linguistic groups (e.g. Tvauri 2007 and attached literature). The subject is essential in resolving, for instance, the problems of linguistic homelands and directions of linguistic spread. Mallory (1997: 94, ) has written on the possibility of using archaeology and linguistics to solve the problem of the homeland of the Indo-Europeans. He is skeptical about the matter and sees no purely linguistic method for resolving the problem of IE origins. He also presents several limitations in resolving the problem by means of archaeology, but he cannot ignore the results of archaeology entirely. Malcolm Ross (1997: 141,158,162) criticizes the accuracy of glottochronology and recommends that linguists compare archaeologically discernable events with linguistic events. He feels that the comparative method in linguistics is unable to absolutely date linguistic events. He emphasizes the need to understand that the methods of these two disciplines are very different and stresses the importance of finding sequences of linguistic events comparable with sequences of material-cultural events. He speaks of reconstructed linguistic and material-cultural events as manifestations of change in human societies. Relationships should be sought between them. Without going into further detail here, it is worth mentioning that he showed with the help of Central Papuan how to match the spread of Oceanic languages across the Pacific with the spread of the Lapita culture. Johanna Nichols (1998: 259) presents a linguistic relative chronology on the Eurasian steppe and their periphery. She admits that in order to define an absolute chronology, one must utilize both comparative linguistics and the results of archaeology. Some Finnish linguists present similar opinions (Koivulehto 2006: ; Kallio 2006: 15 16). In short, there is a wide consensus among linguists that cooperation is needed between linguistics and archaeology.

34 Saarikivi & Lavento (2012: ) have criticized the so-called traditional way of combining archaeologically defined cultures with linguistic groups. In their conclusions they present three key points against the traditional view: 1) Ethnicity and linguistic identity do not always correlate. 2) Linguistic diversity was supposedly more significant in the past than today. Modern examples show that different linguistic groups may have a rather similar material culture even though the density of languages is high. 3) Languages spread not only by migration, but also by language shift. Language shift easily spreads over culturally significant boundaries. First of all, the concept of ethnicity should be defined. For instance, in Finland there are many populations who have lived in Finland for a very long time. All of them could be considered different ethnic groups. There are Finnish-speaking, Swedish-speaking and Saami-speaking populations. However, in Finland s sport teams one might find representatives of all these linguistic groups and yet the spectators (and the players themselves) would refer to all of them as Finns. Barth (2009) writes that ethnic identities can be considered as boundary identities defined by the members and the neighbors of the group. The group may be linguistically or culturally heterogeneous. On the other hand, even though the Roma in Finland are native speakers of the Finnish language, they are often distinguished in the minds of other peoples of Finland as an independent ethnic group. It is thus possible to speak of ethnicities and ethnic groups. Ethnicity might occur at many different levels. Of course, several scholars have presented their own definitions, but in the following I do it in the way most relevant for my research. 1) Representative identity: armies, sport teams, citizenship or everything else that is permanently somehow differing and distinguishes them from other nationalities. In this case it might be useful to speak of an ethnic macrogroup or of a nationality and their ethnic subgroups. 2) Linguistic identity. If the ethnicity is determined only according to the language, this may cause serious difficulties. Are the Finnish Muslim Tatars or Jews in Finland considered to be ethnic Finns, because they usually speak Finnish as their first language (or in some cases Swedish)? In Russian Karelia the usual situation is that grandparents speak Karelian as their native language. The next generation is bilingual, but Russian is the more natural language.

35 Young adults and children may hardly understand Karelian; Russian is obviously their native language. The question is, do people living in the same village, or even in the same house as a family, belong to different ethnic groups? According to the Russian authorities all of them were some years ago registered as Karelians. 3) Sociocultural identity. Especially in imperial or/and authoritarian states, such as the former Soviet Union or China and to some degree even the United States (as historically an imperial state), there is a large number of ethnic groups who share quite a similar imperial culture because the official culture has a superior prestige or it might even be dangerous to profess a local identity. In the United States there are ethnic Native Americans who speak English as their native language but still retain a high sense of their own ethnicity. There are many speaking Spanish as their first language, but they are identified as white Americans. African-Americans may have their own subculture, partially their own type of English language or dialect and they have an African genealogy. However, they are deeply American. 4) Religious identity. A good example are the Jews. If a Jewish person receives Christian baptism, he or she is no longer regarded as a Jew according to the Rabbinate or the immigration laws of the state of Israel. However, so-called Messianic Jews who believe in Jesus as their Messiah identify themselves clearly as Jews. For the anti-semitic Nazi regime, the definition of Jewishness was not dependent on religion. On the other hand, there exist religious evangelical Christians all over the world who wish to identify themselves as Jews, because some of their ancestors had a Jewish-looking name, but they cannot adequately demonstrate Jewish roots. Archaeology may reveal something of all of the factors mentioned above. Archaeological findings may include such objects as: 1) characteristic equipment of armies representative identity 2) letters, stones, houses or utensils with ancient inscriptions linguistic identity 3) cultural finds such as pottery, remnants of housing systems, etc. cultural identity 4) ethnically characteristic religious ornamentation and/or cultic objects, such as the Jewish menorah, Saami drums, etc. religious identity

36 The result is that on an archaeological basis, ethnicity can in most cases be defined only partially, not absolutely, i.e. only specific aspects of past ethnicities are discernible in the archaeological material from a particular period and region. For the reasons presented above, in any scientific research each of these definitions representative, linguistic, cultural and religious should be examined separately. It is possible to excavate these findings, but the interpretation of the material is not always easy in the correct context. The more ancient the findings are, the more difficult their interpretation is. If there is already some historical context, such as literary sources in the case of archaeology in Egypt, the Levant or Mesopotamia, then the interpretation is much more reliable. Because ancient prehistoric inscriptions in Uralic languages do not exist, archaeology cannot independently provide absolute evidence of Uralic linguistic groups in the prehistoric era. 14 This does not mean that the results of archaeology are useless. Archaeological data may in certain cases confirm conclusions based on toponymic or linguistic (cf. loanwords) material or help in dating them (Koivulehto 2006: ). However, archaeological results cannot usually be the basis for conclusions with the exception of found inscriptions or certain national religious objects, such as ancient Scandinavian runic stones, stars of David, etc. There are some rules of thumb that can be useful and lend extra significance to archaeological findings. From the point of view of archaeology, it is very important to distinguish among all the research material objects that may be relevant for defining ethnicity but not necessarily the linguistic background. Saarikivi & Lavento (2012: 197, 200) admit that indicators for ethnicity may exist, but they state that they are not easy to identify. There are object finds that apparently were trading material. Saarikivi & Lavento (2012: 195) point to the fruit knives found in Lapland as an example. It is evident that these knives can only tell about contacts between Lapland and more southern areas. How do we know? Because the distribution of those knives is geographically much wider than most of the other findings, which seem to be more local. Thus everything that might be traded between different communities must be ruled out when researching linguistic or ethnic groups by means of archaeology. There may be material that is typically imperial or representative in use by many linguistic groups. It is not always easy to determine which material is of this kind. If a certain non- 14 The oldest writings in any Uralic language are the Old Hungarian texts (10th century) and Novgorodian birch bark documents from the late Middle Ages.

37 commercial object is at first typical only in a restricted area that is suspected to have been culturally and politically strong and central, and afterwards its distribution increases remarkably elsewhere, it is possible that the character of this object is representative or imperial. Along the periphery of distribution a former culture is often mixed with the new one, especially in the beginning of the expansion. This is the case during the early stages of Russification of former Uralic-speaking communities (Rjabinin 1997). This kind of situation means that the users did not necessarily all speak the same language, but probably belonged to the same political alliance. There exist also findings that are typical for microareas. According to Saarikivi & Lavento (2012: 197) this is true, for instance, in women s costumes and traditional ornaments. Women who spoke close dialects of the same language may have had distinguishing features in their costumes; cf. the oval tortoise brooches of the Häme and Savo/Karelia type (Taavitsainen 1990: ) or the different kinds of horse-shaped pendants found in Central Russia (Makarov 2006: 277, Fig. 4; Rjabinin 1997: ). Therefore, this kind of material is not relevant for defining larger linguistic areas, such as the ancient total areas where the Meryan-Muroma language was spoken (see Rahkonen 2012: 19 27) or the total Finnic-speaking area. They may show regional and dialectal peculiarities. As a regional ethnic marker in Finland one can point to rowboats of the Häme and Savo types, which are clearly different from each other. As mentioned by Saarikivi & Lavento (2012: 210), the connection between material and ethnicity becomes more difficult to solve the larger archaeological entities are, as in e.g. the distribution areas of the Textile Ware or the Ananino Culture in northern and central European Russia. If the distribution of many different objects of a local nature (non-commercial and non- representative ) creates an uniform areal entity and matches the toponymic evidence, there is good reason to suspect that in this area culture and language belonged to the same linguistic group. This may offer some possibilities for dating the toponyms of the area. It is important to highlight that, in most cases, archaeological evidence alone cannot testify to an ethnos or linguistic group Principal archaeological cultures between Finnic and Mordvin Of course it is true that so-called archaeological cultures are often defined by simplified means. An archaeological culture cannot be defined only as a territory where a certain type of ceramics was used. Any material culture consists of several factors.

38 A great number of archaeologically defined cultures existed between the territories of historical Finnic and Mordvin speakers already for a long time before these languages developed. The first one of note was the early Neolithic Ljalovo culture (circa BC) [map 3]. This culture originated in the territory between the Upper Volga and the Middle Oka (Carpelan 1999: 257). It spread from there northwest towards the Lake Onega region (Carpelan & Parpola 2001: 79). After the Ljalovo culture came the late Neolithic Volosovo culture ( BC) [map 4] almost in the same region in the Volga Oka area, stretching to the River Volkhov and the lakeland of the Russian North. This culture influenced also cultures in Finland, leaving traces in the Kierikki Ware and Pöljä-Jysmä Ware cultures (ibid. 2001: 83). The third archaeological culture of note created in Central Russia was the Textile or Netted Ware culture launching the Bronze Age ( BC) [map 5]. Textile Ceramics spread from the Upper Volga Oka region via the southern waterways (the Volga and Mologa routes) towards the River Volkhov and via the more northern way (the Belozero route) to the district of the Northern Russian lakeland, Karelia and the inlands of Finland. This culture had several subcultures even in Finland (Lavento 2001: ). The differences between the subcultures in Russia have regrettably been poorly examined. In the Upper Volga Oka region, the original Textile Ceramics culture split in the early Iron Age into the western Djakovo and eastern Gorodec cultures. The Djakovo culture reached the Lake Ilmen area in the west (Patrushev 2000: 90; Fig. 31) bordering on the Kalmistonmäki-Volxov culture south of Lake Ladoga. The Kalmistonmäki-Volxov culture was another daughter culture of the Textile Ceramics. It has been assumed that the language of this population was Proto-Finnic (Uino 2006: 363), but this is very hard to prove. The feature common to all these Central Russian cultures is the southwestern boundary (see the SW-boundaries in maps 5 7) that runs roughly from Kaluga oblast over the watersheds between the Volga and Dnieper and between the Lovat and Zapadnaja Dvina (Daugava) to the (north)west. As already mentioned in this section, there has been a fierce debate about the correlation between archaeological cultural and linguistic areas. The main question is, does any archaeological cultural area correlate with historical linguistic areas? It is obvious that at least such long-lasting archaeological boundaries as the one mentioned above in central and northwestern Russia (lasting over 5000 years!) or the boundary between the coastal and inland cultures of Finland (which lasted around 4000 years) no doubt correlate with toponyms (Rahkonen 2011: 211, map 2; 2013, map 23; Rjabinin 1997: 4, map 1 according to Sedov; Kriiska & Tvauri 2007: 148, map).

39 In the following, three maps are presented. At first, it is necessary to state that the historical Finnic and Mordvin-speaking areas mentioned on the maps illustrate the situation in the historically known era, and not the era of the presented archaeological cultures. However, if the population behind the above-mentioned cultures spoke Pre- and Proto-Uralic and the later Finno-Mordvin protolanguage (West Uralic?) as assumed by many scholars, the location of these cultures might explain something of the development of the prehistoric Uralic entity and the reason why Finnic and Mordvin are relatively close to each other. The Ljalovo culture (circa BC) [map 5] developed in the Upper Volga region. For example, Carpelan has considered the Ljalovo population to have been speakers of Proto-Uralic (Carpelan 2006: 85). Asko Parpola (2012: 288) suggests that it was the population of the Volosovo culture ( BC) [map 6] who were the speakers of Proto-Uralic. Petri Kallio (2006: 16) has presented similar opinions. Apparently due to the influence of Corded Ware, a new type of ceramics appeared after the Volosovian era. This was called Textile Ceramics or Netted Ware ( BC) [map 7]. Parpola (2012: 288) reminds us that it corresponds to the distribution of West Uralic (see also Rahkonen 2013, map 23). Von Hertzen (1973: 90) has stated that there is a Volgaic loanword stratum in Finnic that, according to him, might have been borrowed through the population of Textile Ceramics. Lately a doctrine has arisen that protolanguages were spoken in relatively narrow areas called their homeland (see e.g. Aikio 2006: 42 43; Mallory 1997: 93; Nichols 1998: 224). I would like to briefly comment on this doctrine: 1) No protolanguages were ever spoken in reality in the forms of the different stages presented and defined by linguists. This means that there never existed a Proto-Uralic [PU] or Proto- Finno-Permic [PFP] language as a monolithic language. Instead, they are theoretical stages that correspond to the real linguistic situation only partially. The phonetic shifts probably happened inside of a certain close, but not exactly similar, linguistic community step by step over a long time. The reconstruction of protolanguages usually endeavors to illustrate only the last stage. 2) Every language, ancient and modern, has always had different dialects. Some of them develop towards new languages and some of them never do. Dialects interact and exchange borrowings from each other over a long time, causing linguistic waves proceeding in many directions and revising the concrete language all the time.

40 3) If we compare the European situation (two basic language families: Indo-European and Uralic) with the native languages of North America, we notice that there are huge areas covered by relatively few different language families. In the western part of Canada (including Alaska as well) the Athabaskan languages have been widely spoken, while in the eastern part Algonquin languages have been spoken. In the northeastern coastal area of the USA were speakers of Iroquois languages, in the southeastern areas speakers of Muskogean languages and in the Central Plains speakers of Siouan languages. (The Native Americans 1991) [TNA]. However, it is true that in Siberia there have been perhaps 10 language families. Thus, it is difficult to tell whether the northern European linguistic situation should be compared with North America or Siberia. Is there any basis to assume that, for example, in Canada those two basic language families of American Indians were originally small groups living in a narrow restricted area and then spread over very wide territories, assimilating all the other languages? For me it is more probable that these linguistic groups already existed in some ancient form (Pre-Athabaskan and Pre-Algonquin) when the population crossed the Bering Strait after the Ice Age. A similar situation is possible in the area between the Baltic Sea and the Urals. Proto-Uralic must be a descendant of Pre-Uralic, which is beyond the capability of comparative linguistics to reveal. But when talking about the ethnic settlement history, the population of the Pre-Uralic language must be taken into account. One can assume that a few newcomers speaking a very early Pre-Uralic language migrated to the place which became the narrow homeland of the Pre-Uralic-speaking population and then began to slowly spread across the surrounding territory. Therefore, it is possible to hold that the speakers of Proto-Uralic could have already lived in a relatively large area. Of course, this cannot be proven, but it remains a possibility.

41 map 5. The Ljalovo culture (circa BC) between the much later traditional areas of Finnic and Mordvin speakers (? >0 AD), as featured in Huurre (2001: 25). map 6. The Volosovo culture (circa BC) between the much later traditional areas of Finnic and Mordvin speakers, as featured in Carpelan (1999: 263).

42 map 7. The Textile Ceramics culture (circa BC) between the later traditional areas of Finnic and Mordvin speakers, as featured in Carpelan (1999: 269) Textile Ceramics and Western Uralic It should be observed that the territory between the historical Finnic and Mordvin-speaking areas matches quite well with the area of the so-called Textile Ceramics [circa BC] (cf. Parpola 2012: 288). The culture of Textile Ceramics could function as a bridge between these two extreme points. Languages that were spoken later in this vast territory between Finland Estonia and Mordovia seem to derive from Western Uralic (WU) as well. I have called those languages Meryan- Muroma, Eastern and Western Čudian and an unknown x language spoken in inland Finland, Karelia and the Lake Region of the Russian North (Rahkonen 2011; 241; 2012a: 19 27; 2013: 5 43). This might mean that the territory of the Early Textile Ceramics reflects to some extent the area of late Western Uralic. 15 The archaeologically problematic area is Estonia, Livonia and Coastal Finland the area traditionally assumed to have been populated by the late Proto-Finns. The Textile Ceramics culture was absent there. It is very difficult to believe that the Textile Ware population in inland Finland migrated or was even the main factor bringing the Pre- or Early Proto-Finnic language to Estonia or 15 However, it is possible that also non-uralic languages were spoken in the area of the Textile Ware Culture.

43 Livonia. There are no archaeological or toponymic signs of it. Therefore, I am forced to believe that Textile Ceramics did not bring Uralic-speaking people to those regions. This makes it possible, but not absolutely proven, to assume that some type of Uralic language was spoken in the region of the Gulf of Finland already before Textile Ceramics spread to the northwest (circa 1900 BC). The Corded Ware population in Finland is thought to have been NW Indo-European by many scholars (e.g. Koivulehto 2006: ; Carpelan & Parpola 2001: 84). At least, it is probable that the Corded Ware culture was brought to Finland by waves of migration, because the representatives of the former Late Comb Ceramics partially lived at the same time side by side with the Corded Ware population. However, it is possible that the immigrants were a population that spoke Proto- Uralic, who had adopted the Corded Ware culture from their Indo-European neighbors, possibly from the population of the Fatjanovo culture, e.g. in the Valdai region. This was suggested by Terho Itkonen (1997: 251) as well. In that case the population of the Typical and Late Comb Ceramics may have spoken some Paleo-European language (see Saarikivi 2004a). In the Early Bronze Age, the Baltic Pre-Finnic language that I have suggested must have been very close to late WU and therefore no substantial linguistic differences existed between the Baltic Pre-Finns and the population of Textile Ceramics in inland Finland. I admit that this model is difficult to prove, but I have presented it primarily in order to offer new models of thinking. 16 At least, there is no archaeological or linguistic reason against this idea. A few remarks should be made on the history of settlements in Estonia as well. This might be important when thinking of common Finnic roots. The early settlements in the Bronze Age in mainland Estonia were concentrated in three parts of the country: the northern coastal area, the Pärnu valley area and the area between the lakes Võrtsjärv and Peipus (Kriiska & Tvauri 2007: 95). In the late Bronze Age, the population in the area of the Pärnu region seems to decrease remarkably (ibid. 2007: 97). In the Roman Iron Age ( AD) there seem to have been three principal centers of population: 1) the Northern Coastal region, 2) the Midland region (Põltsamaa) and 3) the southern area (Tartu-Võru region). In the western coastal area, especially in the Pärnu region, only a few archaeological sites are found. In the Haapsalu region there is a small concentration of graveyards (ibid. 2007: 131). In the Age of 16 Of course the population of the Textile Ware culture was not linguistically totally homogenous, but supposedly spoke many Western Uralic dialects and possibly different Paleo-European languages as well.

44 Migrations the situation is similar to previous eras (ibid. 2007:149). In the Viking Age ( AD) all of the country seems to have been almost equally populated, with the exception of the Pärnu region and the area north of the Lake Peipus as the situation had been already during the entire Iron Age. The population seems to have been divided into northern and southeastern parts with the Pärnu valley as the borderline (ibid 2007: 173). This may be reflected in the formation of northern and southern Estonian languages in accord with the hypothesis of Kallio (2007, see above). map 4. Principal settlements in Estonia according to the archaeological evidence in the period AD, as featured in Kriiska & Tvauri 2007.

45 Literature AGEEVA = Агеева Р. А. 1989: Гидронимия Русского Северо-Запада как источник культурно-исторической информации. Москва. AHLQVIST, ARJA 1998: Merjalaiset Suurten järvien kansaa. Virittäjä 102:1: : Ancient Lakes in the Former Finno-Ugrian Territories of Central Russia: An Experimental Onomastic-Paleogeographical Study. The Slavicization of the Russian North. Juhani Nuorluoto (ed.). Slavica Helsingesia 27. Helsinki AHLQVIST = Альквист А. 2001: Субстратная топонимия Ярославского поволжья. Очерки Исторической Географии. Северо-Запад России славяне и фиинны. Под. ред. А.С.Герда и Г.С.Лебедева. Издательство С.-Петербургского Университета AIKIO, ANTE 2003: Suomen saamelaisperäisistä paikannimistä. Virittäjä 1/ : An essay on substrate studies and the origin of Saami. Etymologie, Entlehnungen und Entwicklungen. Festschrift für Jorma Koivulehto zum 70. Geburtstag. Irma Hyvärinen, Petri Kallio & Jarmo Korhonen (eds.).mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki 63. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique : On Germanic-Saami contacts and Saami prehistory. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 91. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura : The Study of Saami substrate Toponyms in Finland. Onomastica Uralica 4. Helsinki: Debrecen AIKIO, ANTE & AIKIO, ASLAK 2001: Heimovaelluksista asutusjatkuvuuteen: suomalaisen väestöhistorian tutkimuksen pirstoutuminen. Muinaistutkija 4/ AJO = Атлас Ярославской области (1: ) 2002: Москва: Роскартография. AKO = Атлас Костромской области (1: ) 2009: Москва: Роскартография. ATO = Атлас Тверской области (1: ) 2005: Москва: Роскартография. AVO = Атлас Вологодская область (1: ) 2008: Санкт Петербург: ФГУП Аэрогеодезия. BARTENS, RAIJA 1999: Mordvalaiskielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran toimituksia 232. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. 2000: Permiläiskielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 238. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura.

46 BARTH, F. 1969: Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social Organization of Culture Differences (Ed. by F. Barth). Scandinavian University Books, Bergen, Oslo, London, CARPELAN, CHRISTIAN 1999: Käännekohtia Suomen esihistoriassa aikavälillä ekr. Pohjan poluilla. Suomalaisten juuret nykytutkimuksen mukaan. Paul Fogelberg (ed.). Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 153. Societas Scientiarum Fennica : On Archaeological Aspects of Uralic, Finno-Ugric and Finnic Societies before AD 800. The Slavicization of the Russian North. Juhani Nuorluoto (ed.). Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University CARPELAN, CHRISTIAN & PARPOLA, ASKO 2001: Emergence, contacts and dispersal of Proto-Indo European, Proto-Uralic and Proto-Aryan in archaeological perspective. Early contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: Linguistic and Archaeological considerations. Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 242. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura DARJA = ДАРЯ 1986: Диалектологический атлас русского языка. Центр Европейской цасти СССР. Выпуск 1: фонетика, под. ред. Т.Ю. Строгановой и С.В. Бромлей. Москва: Наука. DARJA = ДАРЯ 1989: Диалектологический атлас русского языка. Центр Европейской цасти СССР. Выпуск 2: морфология, под. ред. С.В. Бромлей. Москва: Наука. DERJAGIN, DERJAGINA, MANUXIN = Дерягин В. Я., Дерягина З. С., Манухин Г. И. 1987: Топонимика Кенозера 1-2. Архангельск EKI = Eesti Keele Instituut ESRJ = ФАСМЕР, МАКС 2003: Этимологический словаь русского языка 1-4. Москва: Астрель. Аст. EUROPAEUS, D. E. D : Tietoja suomalais-ungarilaisten kansojen muinaisista olopaikoista. Suomi II. 7:1 190, 8: GBO = Смолицкая, Г. П. 1976: Гидронимия бассейна Оки. Москва: Издательство Наука. GT2000 = 2000: GT2000 Tiekartasto. Vantaa: Karttakeskus Oy. GRÜNTHAL, RIHO 1997: Livvistä liiviin: Itämerensuomalaiset etnonyymit. Castrenianumin toimitteita 51. Helsinki: Helsingin yliopisto. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. The Mordvin languages Between Bush and Tree: A Historical Reappraisal. Sámit, sánit, sátnehámit. Riepmočála Pekka Sammallahtii miessemánu 21. beaivve 2007.Jussi Ylikoski & Ante Aikio (ed.). Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 253. Helsinki: Société Finno-Ougrienne HERTZEN, ERIK VON 1973: Itämerensuomen lainakerrostumien ikäämisestä. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 72: Helsinki. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura HÄKKINEN, JAAKKO 2009: Kantauralin ajoitus ja paikannus: perustelut puntarissa. Suomalais-

47 Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja a: Jatkuvuusperustelut ja saamelaisen kielen leviäminen (osa 1). Muinaistutkija 1/2010. Helsinki: Suomen Arkeologinen Seura INŽEVATOV = Инжеватов И. К Топонимический словарь Мордовской СССР. Саранск. ITKONEN, TERHO 1983: Välikatsaus suomen kielen juuriin. Virittäjä 87: , : Reflections on Pre-Uralic and the Saami-Finnic protolanguage. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 54, Heft 3. Helsinki KALIMA, JALO 1942: Karjalaiset ja merjalaiset. Uusi Suomi-lehti : Einige Russische Ortsnamentypen. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 28: KALLIO, PETRI 2006: Suomen kantakielten absoluuttista kronologiaa. Virittäjä 1/ : Kantasuomen konsonanttihistoriaa. Sámit, sánit, sátnehámit. Riepmočála Pekka Sammallahtii miessemánu 21. beaivve Jussi Ylikoski ja Ante Aikio (eds.). Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 253. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura : Stratigraphy of Indo-European Loanwords in Saami. The Roots of Saami Ethnicities, Societies and Space/Places. Tiina Äikäs (ed.). Publications of the Giellagas Institute. Oulu KIVINIEMI, EERO 1990: Perustietoa paikannimistä. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. KOIVULEHTO, JORMA 1987: Namn som kan tolkas urgermanskt. Klassiska problem inom finlandssvensk ortnamnsforskning. (Ed.) Lars Huldén. SSLS. Studier i nordisk filologi. 67. Helsingfors: SLS. 2006: Arkeologia, kielihistoria ja jatkuvuusteoria. Arkeologian lumoa synkkyyteen: Artikkeleita Christian Carpelanin juhlapäiväksi. Helsinki: Yliopistopaino KRIISKA, AIVAR & TVAURI, ANDRES 2007: Viron esihistoria. Hannu Oittinen & Andres Tvauri (suom.). Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. LAVENTO, MIKA 2001: Textile Ceramics in Finland and on the Karelian isthmus. Helsinki: Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja 109. LEONT EV, A. E. 1996: The Archaeology of the Merya (the Early History of North-Eastern Russia). Russian monographs in Migration period and Medieval Archaeology. Gennadii Afanas ev and Falco Daim in collaboration with Dafydd Kidd (eds.). Volume 4. Moscow: Russian Academy of Sciences. Institute of Archaeology. LOGINOV = Логинов, К. К. 1999: Еще раз о «вепском» прошлом Водлозерья. Вепсы: История, культура и межэтнические контакты. Карельский научный центр РАН институт языка, литературы и истории. Петрозаводск: Издатеьство Петрозаводского государственного университета

48 MAG = Муллонен, И. И. & Азарова, И. В. & Герд, И. В. 1997: Словарь гидронимов юго восточного Приладожья бассейн реки Свирь. Санкт-Петербург: Издательство Санкт Петербургского университета. MAKAROV, N. A. 2006: Cultural Identity of the Russian North Settlers in the 10th 13th Centuries: Archaeological Evidence and Written Sources. The Slavicization of the Russian North. Juhani Nuorluoto (ed.). Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University MALLORY, JAMES P. 1997: The Homelands of the Indo-Europeans. Archaeology and Language 1. Ed. Blench Roger and Matthew Spriggs. London: Routledge. MALLORY & ADAMS 1997: Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. J. P. Mallory and D. Q. Adams (eds.). London: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers. MARKOV, ALEKSEJ 1998: Мещёра. Meshchera. MATVEEV = Матвеев, А. К. 2001: Субстратная топонимия Русского Севера I. Екатеринбург: Издательство Уральского университета. 2004: Субстратная топонимия Русского Севера II. Екатеринбург: Издательство Уральского университета. 2006: Ономатология. Москва: Российская академия, отделение историко-филологических наук. «Наук». MULLONEN = Муллонен, И. И. 1994: Очерки вепской топонимии. Санкт Петербург. 2002: Топонимия Присвирья. Проблемы этноязыкого контактирования. Петрозаводск: Российская академия наук, карельский научный центр: Институт языка, литературы и истории. 2008: Топонимия Заонежья. Словарь с историко-культурным комментариями. Петрозаводск: Карельский научный центр РАН: Институт языка, литературы и истории. NA = Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen nimiarkisto. Institute for the Languages of Finland. NICHOLS, JOHANNA 1998: The Eurasian spread zone and the Indo-European dispersal. Archaeology and Language 2. Ed. Blench Roger and Matthew Spriggs. London: Routledge. NISSILÄ, VILJO 1975: Suomen Karjalan nimistö. Joensuu: Karjalaisen Kulttuurin Edistämissäätiön julkaisuja. PARPOLA, ASKO 2012: The Problem of Samoyed origins in the light of archaeology: On the formation and dispersal of East Uralic (Proto-Ugro-Samoyed). Per Urales ad Orientem. Iter polyphonicum multilingue. Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 264. Helsinki: Suomalais-

49 Ugrilainen Seura PATRUSHEV, VALERY 2000: The Early History of the Finno-Ugric Peoples of European Russia. Societas Historiae Fenno-Ugricae. Oulu PITKÄNEN, RITVA LIISA 1985: Turunmaan saariston suomalainen lainanimistö. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 418. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. POPOV = Попов, А. И. 1965: Географические названия (Введение в топонимику). АН СССР, Географическое общество СССР. Москва Ленинград: Наука. PS = Sammallahti, Pekka 1988: Historical phonology of Uralic languages. With special reference to Samoyed, Ugric and Permic. Uralic Languages. Denis Sinor (ed.). Description, history and foreign influences. Leiden New York København Köln.: E. J. Brill PSRL 1965 = Полное собрание русских летописей Москва. RAHKONEN, PAULI 2009: The linguistic background of the Ancient Meshchera tribe and pincipal areas of Settlement. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 60: : Finno-Ugric Hydronyms of the River Volkhov and Luga catchment areas. Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 93. Helsinki a: Границы распространения меряно-муромских и древнемордовских гидронимов в верховьях Волги и бассейне реки Оки. Вопросы Ономастики 2/2011. Екатеринбург : Suomen etymologisesti hämärä vesistönimistö. Virittäjä 1/2013. RJABININ = Рябинин, Е. А. 1997: Финно-угорские племена в составе древней Руси. Санкт Петербург: Издательство Санкт Петербургского университа. ROSS, MALCOLM 1998: Sequencing and dating linguistic events in Oceania: the linguistics/archaeology interface. Archaeology and Language 2. Ed. Blench Roger and Matthew Spriggs. London: Routledge. RÄISÄNEN, ALPO 2003: Niemet mieltä kiehtovat: etymologista nimistöntutkimusta. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran toimituksia. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. SAARIKIVI, JANNE 2000: Kontaktilähtöinen kielenmuutos, substraatti ja substraattinimistö. Virittäjä 3/ a: Is there Paleo-European substratum interference in western branches of Uralic? Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 90. Helsinki b: Über die saamischen Substratennamen des Nordrusslands und Finnlands. Finnisch- Ugrische Forschungen 58: a: Introduction. Substrata Uralica. Studies on Finno-Ugric Substrate in Northern

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51 TNA = Richard Collins (ed.) 1991: The Native Americans. Salamander Books Ltd. TRET JAKOV = Третьяков П. Н. 1966: Финно-угры, балты и славяне на Днепре и Волге. Москва. Лениниград. TVAURI, ANDRES 2007: Migrants or Natives? The Research History of Long Barrows in Russia and Estonia in the 5th 10th Centuries. Topics on the ethnic, linguistic and cultural making of the Russian North. Slavica Helsingensia 32. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University UEW = Rédei, Károly (ed.) : Uralisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Budapest. UINO, PIRJO 2006: The Background of the Early Medieval Finnic Population in the Region of the Volkhov River: Archaeological Aspects. The Slavicization of the Russian North. Juhani Nuorluoto (ed.). Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University VASIL EV = Васильев, В. Л. 2001: Метонимическое калькирование архайских гидронимов в Приильменье. Топонимия и диалектная лексика новгородской земли. Велики Новгород: Министерство образования Российской Федерации. Новгородский государственный университет имени Ярослава Мудрого : Архаическая топонимия новгородской земли. Велики Новгород: Новгородский Межрегиональный Институт Общественных Наук. VASMER, MAX : Beiträge zur historischen Völkerkunde Osteuropas I-IV. Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften. Berlin. WRG = Vasmer, Max : Wörterbuch der russischen Gewässernamen I-V. Berlin

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53 SUSA/JSFOu 93, 2011 Pauli RAHKONEN (Lahti) Finno-Ugrian hydronyms of the River Volkhov and Luga catchment areas of the formants of hydronyms, the distribution of Chud toponyms and the names of large 1. Preface - concentrated on the material assumed to be Finno-Ugrian. article, The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe and Principal Areas of Settlement Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 60 (2009). In this article, the boundaries of the ancient settlements of the Meshchera tribe and their The South-Eastern Contact Field of the Finnic Languages. Its goal is primarily to describe the linguis- 1 Furthermore, I attempt to trace as far as possible the languages and settlements of the vanished and poorly researched Finno-Ugrian tribes of the Upper Volkhov and Luga area. chronicles. In Section 2, I present the topic of investigation and its history. Section -

54 206 - In Section 5, I analyse the (topo)formants of the Finno-Ugrian hydronyms in Novgorod oblast. In š h Finnic. 2 conclusions are presented in Section 9. linguistic reasons demand it. 2. Research questions and research history populated by Finno-Ugrian peoples until their russification in the Late Middle Ages. - For this reason, there has been no deep linguistic analysis. Usually the research has such as the lakes, and the river Msta (e.g. southern boundaries of Finno-Ugrian toponyms as running alongside the northern side of the river Daugava (~ Zapadnaya Dvina) from Livonia to the Kaluga region Although not only Sedov, but also such scholars as Popov (1981) and Vasilyev (2005: 19) and others have noted the Finno-Ugrian layer of toponyms, I have not heard lications include Popov s Iz istorii finno-ugorskikh narodnostey SSSR (1947), Sedov s Finno- Ugry i Slavyane (1979), Tretyakov s (1966) and Ageyeva s Gidronimiya Russkogo Severo-Zapada kak istochnik kulturno- š s š).

55 istoricheskoy informatsii (1989). In Finnish circles, no thorough study of Finno-Ugrian eral assumption that the Chudes belonged to the Finnic linguistic group and lived east of Lake Peipus on the upper reaches of the rivers Luga and Volkhov, mostly in the area - In this study I have, utilizing the discipline of onomastics, endeavoured espe- confirm a Finnic origin for the Novgorodian Chudes as claimed in earlier literature, a Finnic tribe has been based practically upon only the three hydronyms Ilmen, Seliger and Msta Chudes in the research frame Previous ethnohistorical research on the Novgorodian Land has concentrated espe- 3 (1997: 151, 161) has argued that the ethnonym spread from the original - the area around the lakes Chudskoye ozero ~ Peipus and Ilmen. No doubt, these are century. His conclusion is that almost all of the Finno-Ugrian nations that the Slavs encountered oblast and claims the present population to be partly descendants of the Chudes. There information). Supposedly, in that area they may be the descendants of the so-called ], though the chroni- 3 There are numerous mentions of the Chudes also in the folklore of different districts and ethnic groups. Due to a lack of space, I have not broached this subject in the present article.

56 208 tions. Therefore, in this study I have used the term Novgorodian Chudes in order 2.2. Finnic anthroponyms of the Novgorodian Birchbark Documents According to Saarikivi (2007: ), the Finnic anthroponyms of the Novgorodian Birchbark Documents mainly resemble the medieval names in the Karelian Isthmus and Ingria. It is important to note that the anthroponyms of these birchbark documents have in the oldest stratum of the documents (ca AD), no Finnic anthroponyms administrative language does not mention either the Land of the Chudes or the Chudes Chudes. One must bear in mind that in the birchbark documents, the ethnonym in question is frequently represented (Janne Saarikivi, personal information). Archaeologists have also studied the Finno-Ugrian ethnohistory of the area to some 400 BC). The population of this culture has been understood as a group that spoke to determine the boundaries of the ancient Vote and Ingrian settlements during the - boundary of transparently Finnic hydronyms (see Section 4) is also placed rather close to these lines. (See Map 1.) When studying the history of the Chudes by utilizing archaeological methods, 4 This question has produced that any language and certain features of a local material culture together usually form ethnic identities. logical material really can serve as an ethnic marker. Such material can supposedly be found.

57 - the Slavs and the Finnic tribes or the Chudes. These supposedly occurred around 400 AD (Kallio 2006: 157). After 1050 AD the chronicles cease to mention the Chudes The Long Barrow Culture There has been heavy disagreement about the ethnic background of the so-called long kurgans) and sopka graves. 5 The former are found in the Pskov Novgorod century AD) - Culture seemingly spread to the Polotsk and Smolensk regions and further to the century AD. The Primary Chronicle, or Povest vremennykh let [PVL] tells of a tribe called Golyad [~ East Galindies] entation of Sedov. The Baltic area also included the environs of Polotsk and Smolensk, 5 The question of the sopka graves is so controversial that there is no possibility to treat this subject in this article.

58 210 Latgalians. Kriiska and Tvauri (2007: 193) report that after the Age of Migrations (5th 6th later became Finnic (Machinskiy 1990: ). Slavs undoubtedly began to move millennium at the latest. Vote (Ryabinin 1997: 4) Ingrians (ibid. 1997: Svir 62) Vyborg Ladoga Chud-toponyms the southern boundary of Finnic hydronyms the boundary of the Long Barrow Culture (ibid. 1997: 17) V o t e St. Petersburg Neva I n g r i a n s Volkhov Syas V e p s Tikhvin Narva Chudskoye ozeroo? Chudes Luga Chudovo Msta Population of the Long Barrow Culture Novgorod Ilmen? Chudes Pskov Lovat Map 1 Chud-toponyms and the southern boundary of Finnic hydronyms (see also Map 11).

59 FINLAND Laatokka Svir Ääninen Vychegda Pietari St. Petersburg Sukhona Volkhov Unþa the area of the Long Barrow Culture Dnieper Ryazan Oka the Vjatka Vetluga boundary of Baltic and Finno-Ugric tribes in the Mari-El Migration Age (Kriiska & Tvauri Volga Kazan 2007: 148) Niþnij- Novgorod the area of the Dyakovo Culture (Patrushev 2000: 90) Sura Map 2. The boundary of Finno-Ugrian and Baltic tribes in the Age of Migrations (Kriiska & Dyakovo Culture (9th century BC 7th century AD) Baltic and Finno-Ugrian tribes during the Late Dyakovo Culture (3th 7th centuries (called - - -

60 212 a considerable part of the Novgorodian Chudes most likely lived under the influence of the Upper-Volgaic Late Dyakovo Culture Medieval Novgorod Novgorod, has been dated to around 850 AD and the earliest material of Novgorod Nerev skiy konets and a street called Chudintsevaya ulitsa in the late medieval Novgorod (ibid. 2006: 368). 6 are linked to the Meryans (Ahlqvist 1999: 627). centuries, and are commonly thought to have been made by Chudes (Uino 1997: 191, Fig. 6:14.). Altogether at least 64 horse-motif pendants have been found (ibid. 1997: 192 reference to Sedova 1981: Ugrian cultures of the Oka and Upper Volga area. A figure of a horse-shaped pendant called Chudskoy Stan. 7 It belongs to the group V according to the classification of nakhodok, numbers ). - - type represented by the Uglich pendant is not common in the Meryan core areas. by some subgroup, different from the actual Meryans. Proper Meryan horse-pendants - Nerevskiy Konets and Chudintsevaya ulitsa dition of the Upper-Volgaic art of horse-shaped pendants in Novgorod as late as the 14th century AD. 6 From an anthroponym Chudin 7 Stan

61 2.4. The old Russian chronicles - the Povest vremennykh let (PVL) of Mordvins, Cheremis, Livonians, Kurians and Zhemgalians are taken as reliable, but the mentions of Chudes and Meryans have been questioned only because they have no continuous presence up to modern times. Of Nonetheless, the description of the ethnic groups seems reliable because these groups 8, [Volga Oka area]:,,, [north-eastern area]:, [Baltic area]: (Lithuania), (Latvian Zhemgals), (Latvian Kurians), group), (Livonians) (PVL). On these grounds, my opinion is that there is no rea- Chude, Merya and Muroma. This is proven also by the ethnonymic toponyms that have been preserved princes of Kiev as a part of the common army (Lihatshov 1994: 20,24). At a later paganism that is constantly reported by the PVL. A very typical story from the PVL year 1040 in the Land of the Chudes (Lihatshov 1994: 115). The story reflects the state, the migration of Slavs continued rather peacefully, leading to a gradual change

62 Research material and methods in the present study are very demanding and therefore valid methods are needed. The problem is first of all due to the lack of research history, and secondly to the fact that there is no successor of the language(s) behind the substrate names. The latter point especially makes it very difficult to find reliable etymologies Names under investigation Material of toponyms At first it must be mentioned that the object of this research are names of large bodies et al. 2008: ). 9 As for microtoponyms, 71% of the toponyms of Kurhila village in Asikkala parish in Finland have disappeared over the course of 200 years. The Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that only a very small amount of microtoponyms named by the Chudes some years ago can be preserved. lected by choosing hydronyms from the maps Atlas Novgorodskaya oblast (ANO) 1: and Obzorno-Geograficheskaya karta In addition, I have utilized the material collected by Vasmer and published in his Wörterbuch der Russischen gewässernamen I V ( ). Toponyms collected from maps are problematic. Firstly, maps may contain mistakes. Secondly, most of small amount of microtoponyms is compensated by the fact that the names of large not hinder achieving an adequate result Substrate vocabulary and toponyms When researching the substrate names of any particular area, one must choose the - -

63 - - linguistic structures that are not typical in the dominant language are frequent in the terms, fishing, hunting, etc. (cf. Saarikivi 2006a: 39 41). Kiviniemi has discussed the question of original languages reflected in the toponyms of Finland. According to him, toponyms can be studied by comparing topo- - (Saarikivi 2006b: 16). in order to select the corpus of toponyms. I have searched for toponyms alien to the it is possible to outline the focus areas of different toponyms and name types. The areas of comparison are Tver and Yaroslavl oblasts and the Oka and Svir catchment Mordvin and Finnic, as these are the most presumable cognate languages. The starting-point of the research is that there are certain linguistic reasons to believe that a name originates from the predecessors of the modern dominant population. The

64 216 look as obscure as proper substrate names. Old anthroponyms are especially difficult Ikali, Hollo and Paro oikonyms Ikaalinen, Hollola and Parola are derived (NA). The global evidence presupposes that also in the present research area, there should be numerous toponyms - -lya Phonetic points Phonetic features may reveal a toponym as a substrate name. Saarikivi (2006b: Kukas järvi, Kuukas järvi, Kuukka Proto-Saami * Konshur ~ Konchur Konchura ~ Konshura ~ Konshchura ~ Konsyera The variants of the second syllable consonants, š, š, s [,,, ] point to a or a sibilant Structure of names Matveyev (2001: 73 75) believes it is important to pay attention to those morpho- - terminology, are called a specific (Finn. määriteosa) and a generic (Finn. perusosa). Jänis järvi, jänis järvi same structure is found also in other Finno-Ugrian languages, e.g. Mari Shem yer *Šem jer In erka Peche khra /ä a noun construction, such as 10 A generic is attached to the Finno-Ugrian Pää järvi järvi is a generic (Kiviniemi 1990: 106). Thus, any toponym in the research Ugrian system commonly occurs: Vedl ozero, Syam ozero, etc. These are partial translations from the originally Finno-Ugrian names Viel järvi, Säämä järvi.

65 , -khra, -yuga) is most likely of Finno-Ugrian origin. (2001: ) also uses the term formant is especially useful. stem of a name. specific and generic Saarikivi (2006b: 18) has defined formants as phonotactic types of single-morpheme opaque toponyms having a characteristic feature that makes it possible to Kolo ksha kolo- ksha the formant. In the background of formants there are generics and derivational affixes that have been obscured. suffixes, /- (an old geni- - non-slavic origin. In using the term suffix this respect Irma Mullonen s terminology (Mullonen 2002: ). Päijä nne in Finland. The occurs in Finnish in such geographical terms as syvä nne syvä ala nne ala ylä nne ylä paina nne painaa Laut ua Laut oja oja in the background there is a toponym originating from a substrate language. In the are used in discussing

66 Toponyms and the language in the background been evaluated and a large stratum of presumable toponyms of substrate origin are tackle this question, various scholars have utilized methods that are introduced in the Formants connected with different types of toponyms and areal distribution one of her methods in order to study substrate names. Accordingly, she has paid much attention to structural characteristics of toponyms. This usually means analysis of formants (Mullonen 2002: 183). In the present research, areal distribution and analysis a toponym refer to the same areal direction, the toponym presumably belongs to the important also because they reflect in many cases different phases of a language shift (Mullonen 2002: 85 96) Semantic typology It is very important to define the most common types and motifs of naming. It is possible to accomplish this by comparing research of semantic typology One useful method for defining an etymology is to utilize semantic opposites such as Comparative linguistic study there are several substrate languages. A presumption might lead to a vicious circle and subjective study. For these reasons, the starting point in the present research is more complicated than e.g. in Pitkänen s (1985) studies concerning the Finnish toponyms 11 see Sections and

67 researchers mentioned above had a relatively clear standard of comparison, making the etymologies remarkably more reliable. The task becomes much more complicated Productivity of the types of toponyms la of old Finnic oikonyms has changed into the Slavic formant -ichi Slavs. In the Novgorod Land it is not possible to enter deeply into the productiv- there is insufficient documentary material of hydronyms originating from substrate of formant -lya Partial translation - Hiim d ogi (Mullonen 2002: ). If an original generic can no longer be recognized as a generic, the result may be an epexegesis,,, and ent Finno-Ugrian (or Finnic) layers. The speakers of the latter stratum (Veps) seemingly did not understand the element - /- järi - järv

68 220 One can assume that the more generics of a substrate language are represented in is presumable. During the process of the language shift, the bilingual population had - finally obscured and generics became pure formants. This is the case e.g. in the upper dra, jädra/ä dra, Map 7). Similarly -khra /ä lakes [Yakhr-] (see Ahlqvist 2006: 12) Ethnonyms - ruotši enough, their testimony increases remarkably. Also Matveyev (2001: 65 71) has introduced them as useful tools of onomastics. I have earlier used this method to some Ahlqvist took their starting point in smaller collection areas that they then broad- on previously gathered material or map names because my research area is very large. 12 Die Alten Bevölkerungsverhältnisse Russlands im Lichte der Sprachforschung (1941). In a study like this, phonetic matters become even more important. A study of comparative chose smaller subregions from among these large areas (ibid. 2004: ).

69 guages. Thus, many of the methods of defining etymology used by other research- languages. Because there is no continuation of those languages, one must choose as cognate languages and reconstructed proto-languages. One can assume that in most /ä dragging road over dry land, *veksa kub-toponyms (Kubena gu b ukti can pre- spoken number at most around 50. Among these the most phonetically and topographically reasonable alternatives can be found. Saarikivi (2004: ) has presented the 20 most common Finnish specifics of lakes and 20 Saami specifics - different species of salmon. stem vyaz- be derived from an original * e.g. Mordvin and Finnish

70 222 is topographic evidence for the etymology * Ugrian specifics, and for this reason it is possible to find a phonetically acceptable etymology if there is only a large enough quantity of toponyms. In order to discover areal distribution of toponyms. some stems and specifics can phonetically be derived from both Finnic languages specifics or stems include /,, and *msta, commonly found in the Upper Volga and Oka area. In such cases formants, core areas of the names and an - than one case of variants to assure us that it is really a matter of translation, and - a cluster of specifics occurring in various types of topographic objects in the same them may have preserved the original specific better than the hydronym itself. It is possible that the hydronyms have been translated in the process of language shift, but some other object of the cluster has preserved its original form The problem of adoption The adoption of toponyms from a substrate language into a dominant prestige language Saarikivi (2006b: 23, table 2 and 25, table 3) has presented tables concerning adoptions from Finnic into

71 Finno- Slavic Finno- Slavic Finno- Slavic Ugrian Ugrian Ugrian t, (non-initial) a, (early) k, (non-initial) s,,, e,,,, p, (non-initial) h,, Ø (initial) ee -tt- -hk-,, i, -kk- o, oo, (late) -pp- u, (early) m,,, c (non-finnic) ü,, -mb-,,, (non- Finnic) ä, (early), (2.syll.) ö, Table 1. The most common rules of adoption from Finnic and other Finno-Ugrian languages and Leningrad oblasts As mentioned above, it is often assumed in the literature that the Finno-Ugrian tribes - 1). Some researchers have suggested hypotheses concerning the area presented above Iron Age (7th 4th centuries BC) found in the southern coastal area of Lake Ladoga Uino 2006: 363). 13 According to the terminology of Petri Kallio, these tribes later Finland (Kallio 2007: 243). Names of settlements in the area of Novgorod are irrelevant from this research s migration could not change the overall picture of hydronyms. The same concerns the nyms in the vicinity of Leningrad.

72 224 Finland Ääninen Ladoga Laatokka Svir Pietari St. Petersburg Volkhov Tikhvin Novgorod 282 Msta Vologda Staraya Russa 548 Lovat 475 Borovichi 1796 Valday 477 Ostashkov 265 Mologa Bezhetsk 1945 Volga Map 3 I have divided the possible Finnic toponyms in Leningrad and Novgorod oblasts into non-finnic formants, 2) specifics typical in the Upper Volga and Oka catchment area

73 4.1. Leningrad oblast Finnic hydronyms (visible on Map 4 according to the numbering): 14 1) Avloga ~ Aulokanjoki cf. Aula nko aula possibly ~ Fin. oulu 2) Khabolovo oz. ~ Haapalanjärvi (-la-formant refers to a settlement, a farm or a family) 3) Khepoyarvi oz. ~ Hepojärvi 4) Kostuya ~ *Kostoja 5) Kusega ~ *Kuusjogi 6) Kusi nka ~ *Kuusijoki 7) Lembolovskoye oz. ~ Lempaalanjärvi 8) Pinega ~ *Pienjogi 9) Sestra ~ Siestarjoki 10) Voitolovka ~ Voittolanjoki Voittola voitto 11) Voloyarvi oz. ~ Vuolejärvi 12) Kavgolovskoye oz. ~ Kaukolanjärvi Kaukola 13) Azika ~ Asikka Asikka 14) Lava ~ *Lavajoki 15) Kivuya ~ *Kivioja 22) Lipyarvi oz. ~ *Lepjärvi or *Lippojärvi 23) Shuyarvi-Shu, bol. ~ *Šuojärvišuo 15 Possibly Finnic hydronyms: 16) Galmach ikha halme 17) Rap lya rapa lya 18) Okhta okti Okhta, Ukhta- - 19) Ukhta huhta Okhta above. The uhta is not found in Vote. The hydronym Ukhta is located in the Vote area. 20) Voya oja woja (Saarikivi 2006b: 31). Possibly the more archaic language. 21) Volgom ka valkama volg- in the Upper Volga area. 15 Phonetically this name occurring close to Tikhvin seems to originate from the South Karelian dialect century AD). The Veps form should be Sojärvso.

74 Novgorod oblast No certain Finnic hydronyms found. Possible Finnic hydronyms: 24) Andolovka antaa Andola. Hydronyms and- in names of rivers is 25) Ilmen ilma il m- are com- -er (see Section 5, formant -er). 26) Yaim lya Äimläj äimä PU *äjmä and therefore the stem here is not necessarily of Finnic origin. The formant -lya is very 27) Kiba kivi the Novgorodian dialect * is usual (Zaliznyak 2004: 55). 28) Kirva kirves Finnic kirves could. Kirva Kirvu inated from an anthroponym. 29) Msta, Mstizhskoye oz. musta msta- 30) Oskuya, Oskuyskoye oz. Oskaoja. Oskom lya in Tver Oska Uska names in Finland. 31) Rabe zha raba hand the formant - 32) Voldom itsa valkama. voldom hydronyms occur also in the Oka catchment area. the certain cases are much more frequent The hydronyms Oskuya and Kirva * kirves/z kirv-) or those names are not of Finnic origin. The element -uya oja 2001: 258). This makes the Finnic origin of the name more probable. The river (and lake) Oskuya nym Kirva can be attached to the toponym Kirvu

75 In Tver oblast there are some hydronyms that can be interpreted as Finnic: oikonym Khititsy *hiite ping place, Yarvy oz. järvi Kagra *kagra *kägrä Kivy *kivi Mushto *musta mušta and kägrä or kagra One must remember that these hydronyms are located in the catchment area of the Vyborg L a d o g a Finnic hydronyms certain uncertain Syväri 7 1 the southern boundary of certain Finnic names Neva St. Petersburg Syas Tikhvin Narva Luga 24 Volkhov Peipus Chudovo Msta Novgorod Ilmen Borovichi Pskov Lovat Map 4

76 228 In Novgorod oblast are often er/-or (cf. ) is typical in Valday region and in the Upper Volga and Oka regions: e.g. Lam er skoye oz. (ANO36), Pud oro oz. (ATO54), (ATO117), Sud er ev e oz. (ATO142), (ATO54), Tum er to oz. (ATO256). Ahlqvist (2006: 17 20) has also mentioned some -er/or-names of lakes in Yaroslavl oblast, although according to Matveyev (2006: ) in the proper Meryan area there formant -er. Ääninen Laatokka Svir Pietari St. Petersburg Volkhov Sukhona Novgorod Volga Unzha Vetluga Il m-hydronym area Mst-hydronym Mst-oikonym Vjatka Mari-El area Volga Kazan Dnieper Oka Ryazan Sura Map 5. Il m- and Mst- and in the territory of the Oka catchment area.

77 Ilma- e e Ilma järvi Ilmee ~ Ilmet joki Ylimäinen Finn. Ilmiinoja and its source lake Ilmiinjärvi ilma 235). It is geographically natural that Lake * refers semantically to a upper posi- seems very improbable. olhava (Volkhov ~ in Finnic Olhava Isthmus (Nissilä 1975: 28 29). The shores of the Volkhov are in many places very the original meaning of the hydronym Volkhov ~ Olhava Ilmen ka grounds of the motif ilma and thinking objectively, the name * the formant, the phonetics and the areal connection (Map 5). The strongest evidence against the hypothesis of a Finnic Chudian population in Novgorod oblast is the fact that there does not occur any remarkable amount of those,, matka, randa *-ranta, luda *-luoto, sel ga *-selkä,, *-lampi,, korba *-korpi, pelda/palda *-pelto (Matveyev 2001: ). The same concerns specifics that, according to Matveyev, are the most common,, vekhk/,,,,,,,,,, lakhn-/,,,, *lempo,,, myagr-/megr mäkrä, myand-/mend mänty, *pelto,,,,,, hab/, khavd/, khavk/, khain/ *heinä, kheb/, khid/khit/,, khong/ *honka, khjarg/khjark/kherg/kherk härkä (Matveyev 2004: 33 80). Novgorodian birchbark documents mentioned by Saarikivi (2007) do not occur in

78 230 oikonyms of Novgorod oblast. If a great number of bearers of these names had lived there, those names should be reflected in oikonyms. Four (4) uncertain names are found: the anthroponym (2007: 210) ~ Libya [Valday], the anthroponym (ibid. 2007: 215) ~ oikonym Velyash eva Gorka [Luga], the anthroponym (ibid. 2007: 220) ~ oikononym Ikand ovo [Valday] and the anthroponym (ibid. 2007: 222) ~ oikonyms Melecha [Valday] and Mele gusha [Tikhvin] on toponyms is very possible. The anthroponym Uda, occurring in the document no. 124 (Saarikivi 2007: 226 Uda toponyms e.g. Uda (ANO6-7V1) [Dedovichi, Pskv obl.], Uda l oz. (ANO39V4) [Borovichi, Nvg. obl.], Uda kha Udo vishchi (ANO26A3) [Ljubytino, Nvg obl.] and Udo m lya Uda 227) suggests that this name from the birchbark documents originated from an old Finnish anthroponym *, Utti, Utupää, but he also states that its etymology both in Finnish and in the (Novgorodian) Chudian language. 5. Formants of hydronyms in Novgorod oblast -oda ( ) 17 Vong oda [Kotlas], Vong uda [Onega], Volg uda, Lamb uda, Novg uda, Chemb uda, [Sev. Dvina], Tung uda [Belomorsk]. Matveyev (2004: 21) believes that the formant originates /ä korged valged do Udg oda (AJO41), Sukh oda Shikh oda - Finnic lamb Vong uda as the hypothesis of Matveyev presupposes. 16 In the Upper Oka the hydronym Melech eva occurs. Melecha in Valday should perhaps be connected 17 In Novgorod oblast: Chag oda (ANO13A5, ANO19B5), Chag od oshcha (ANO6-7A8), Chag od skoye oz. (ANO34B2), Tig oda Tig oda (ANO14A2).

79 from the Finnic languages. Phonetically impossible are Chagoda and Chembuda, because of the initial *. Tigoda, Tunuda, Udgoda, Sukhoda, Shikhoda and probably also Novguda. The stem volg- area. Interestingly enough, the formant -oda/-uda g (or the spirant g or the combination * ) and b. This seems to refer to - or oda. As visible in the names of lakes in the region of Valday, the formant -dra being connected dra), it seems that the plosive *g has been replaced by d, e.g. /ä or *jägra/ /ä dra. Correspondingly the development or *joga oda Ioda or *joga hypothesis. (Mullonen 2002: 65 referring to this phonetic shift (regressive assimilation) *, * - - [Yang ozero] ~ Veps Jänd ärv tion, there occurs -ng- nd- in Veps. Veps * d is possible, but * one can assume that the Veps variant originates from some previous substrate lan-. -ra ( ) 18 The formant - occurring in the names of rivers is very common in the Upper Volga and Oka catchment areas, e.g. Cheche ra ~ Checho ra Kamo ra Kato ra Koya ra Koshi ra Vyaze ra Voymi ra Vikshe ra (AJO37), Cheche ra (AJO11), Checho ra (AJO87), Pezo ra (ATO106). There are also numerous formants of the type - : Ist ra Kost ra Kust ra Mat ra Pem ra Pom ra Sukh ra Shim ra - a, e, i, o 18 In Novgorod oblast: Checho ra (ANO28V2), Yashche ra (ANO6-7A1), Bol. Vishe ra Mal. Vishera (ANO23A6), Bol. Vishe r ka (ANO23B5).

80 232 The areal distribution (Map 6) offers the most likely possibility to connect the Novgorodian formant -ra is true especially because the Novgorodian (Nvg) specifics of hydronyms have coun- Chechora Chechora Yashchera Yashcher ka Vishera vs. Vikshera (AJO37) [Yaroslavl]. 19 It is possible that the formant in question can be derived from an original generic * Rha. Volga flu olim Rha denoted the Volga as Rha occidental Rha orientalis Volga Rha Volga. On the basis of these maps, it seems that stream (in Meryan-Muroma). This idea is supported also by such variants of hydronyms as Voymi ra ~ Voymi ga and the names Nev ra Nev ley Laatokka Pietari St. Petersburg Sukhona Novgorod Volkhov Msta Mologa Vologda Unzha Volga Vetluga Nizhniy- Novgorod Volga Dnieper -ra-formants Moscow Oka Klyazma Ryazan Oka Sura Penza Map 6. The area of the hydronyms with the formant -ra. 19 The variation of sh ~ ksh -sh/-ksh.

81 -lya ( ) In Novgorod oblast and close to its borders -lya- in footnote 20 (numbering according to ANO): 20 General view stated that both formants -lya ( ) and -l ( ) can be traced back to the same origin lej and Moksha läj lar opinion. Some variants of the same names support this idea: Mar ley ~ Mar lya Tishem lya ~ Tishim l that the matter is very complicated and it is possible that the formant -lya has several alternatives. Most of the -lya-toponyms are names of rivers. In Novgorod (ANO), Tver (ATO) and Smolensk (ASO) oblasts, 37 toponyms are rivers, 20 settlements, 12 lakes and 6 other natural sites. At least 10 of the oikonyms can be derived from names of rivers and many others from the names of lakes and other sites. This proves that -lya Areal distribution (Map 7) In Novgorod oblast -lya-toponyms are concentrated in the boundaries of Novgorod and Tver oblasts - e.g. Yaim lya *Äim läj [Krestitsy], Tuleb lya *Tulema läj The specifics and *tulema might be interpreted as Finnic, PU *äjmä *toli a remarkable concentration of -lya Settlements (11) Gadom lya (40V3), Khotim lya (55A2), Loshchem lya *Sitom lya (6-7A4), *Sukrom lya (6-7A7), *Tuleb lya Tukho lya (35A4), *Tushem lya (19B4), *Udom lya Zhelom lya rivers (14) Tsynov lya (53A4), Dup lya (35A5), Izlom lya (52B2), Yaim lya (36B2), Korkom lya (30A3), Nikom lya (17A5), Pyardom lya (17A6), Radu lya (25A5), Rap lya (16A2)~Ryap lya (16B1), Sitom lya (LPNP:L5/N), Sukrom lya (ATO251A1), Shadom lya Tuleb lya lakes (7) Chuchem lya (27V5), Karkom lya (40B3), Radu lya (26A2), Retom lya (17V5), Sudom lya (18B1), Udom lya Zdym lya Gorodom lya (isle) (54V2), Sudom lya (marsh) (18B1).

82 234 Stems of hydronyms based on anthroponyms lya can be derived from old Slavic anthroponyms, e.g. Chucha (Ahlqvist 2006: 19 referring to Veselovskiy Chude, (Vasilyev 2005: 182, 186, 249),, (ibid. 2005: 323), Tukhom lya (ibid. 2005: 246, 249), (ibid. 2005: 246), Lyutiv lya, (ibid. 2005: 41, 271), (ibid. 2005: 68, 249), (ibid. 2005: 141). Stems of some names onyms: Retom lya Dremov lya doze (Dal I 491), Kokh lya Ääninen Pietari St. Petersburg Laatokka Svir Novgorod Volkhov Sukhona Sheksna Vologda Volga Moscow Oka Unzha Nizhniy- Novgorod -lya-toponym -mlya-toponym Vjatka In Novgorod, Mari-El Leningrad, Tver, Smolensk, Yaroslavl Volga Kazan oblasts and in the Oka area Dnieper Oka Ryazan Sura the boundary of Finno-Ugric population ca 1000 AD according to Sedov (Ryabinin 1997: 4) Map 7. The areal distribution of toponyms with the formants -lya and -(V)mlya.

83 Stems of hydronyms based on old dialectal Russian words ally related to obsolete cultural customs: Khatom lya Sukrom lya food, etc. (Dal IV 359), Tsynov lya 575), Posokh lya Zdym lya [Pskov] Finno-Ugrian specifics Some of the -lya of Novgorod there is Yaim lya Kev lya river, Shuzh lya Osh lya Ash lya river. In the Mordovian names the formant -lya certainly has the same original form and meaning as Mordvin läj Unknown stems of hydronyms Some of the specifics of lya- Itom lya, Korkom lya, Pyardom lya, Karm lya, Oskom lya and Kasp lya. The last is that kaspinas Etymology of the formant -lya the original source language, if there really is only one etymological origin. The dis- lya does not occur in the historically the chronicles. According to the distribution map, it is possible to assume that possi- tribes the appellative be *läkä Lithuanian lieju lej a -

84 236 a Balto-Slavic or Baltic origin is a possibility. A Slavic origin seems unlikely because lya in the Slavic-speaking area. times occurs a possessive element *-j labial consonants,, and,, /, so such a type as is not pos- - :. In many cases the formant -lya m lya could, Kokh lya in Smolensk oblast (ASO34B3) or Rod lya -lya-toponyms that are not based on persons or their names. There are good reasons to Instead, he considers it to be caused by a substrate (Vaahtera: ). This Map 7). Formant -om-/-emlya Among 54 -lya- the element -om-/-em- (see Map 7). In most cases it is difficult to believe that all of mir endings, such as. m at least in some cases is an original Finno-Ugrian genitive marker *. The variation of m ~ n tions also in -lya- Rado m lya Rado n lya m lya do not occur 1997: 4, map 1) and Kriiska & Tvauri s illustrations of the ancient Finno-Ugrian settlement (see Maps 2 and 7). In Vologda and Kostroma oblasts - Rodo m boy Rod lya [Rod ] (Vasilyev 2005: 254). An appellative boy Saarikivi (2004: ) has interpreted it as derived from PU *woja oja) Rodom boy Rodlya

85 Drem ov lya Dremov - ev/-ov ov or -ev are already genitive markers. This seems to assure that the formant -lya does not originate from The name of an island in Tver oblast Seriger), Gorodom lya (ANO117B1), may offer proof for this presumed Finno-Ugrian genitive in m n). mentioned in an ancient (from 1150 AD) document Ustavnaya gramota (Isakov 1985: gorod gorod om might be a Chudian genitive *gorodo n reason for the formant -lya. On the other hand it is possible that the original meaning of toponyms. It is probable that the Novgorodian Chudes adopted Slavic Christian personal onym Karelian oikonym Nasto la Karelian Kuopio Kuopio la, Kuopio (SP 195, 286). On these grounds it is possible that among the Novgorodian Chudes there occurred such shortened personal names of Slavic origin as hydronym Radom lya river, hydronym Sudom lya hydronym Nikom lya Ita, Korka, Oska, Pärda, Uda, Shada. 21 They occur as stems in several -omlya hydronyms. Their correspondences are e.g. in the Middle Volkhov Osk uya Pyardomskoye oz. ~ Veps. Perdomjärv (close to a village called Chudskoye), in the Oka area Perde ley Perd ino oz. Shadym ka Itja Uda in Novgorodian birchbark documents that has been inter- Udomlya. It is possible that the o, i.e. Uda :. lya-hydronyms are relatively families offering good grounds for naming. Undoubtedly, there are also toponyms that truly are shortened forms of old Slavic mir (*- ). The river Tukhom lya in the upper courses of 21 Perd-/Pärd- pertä burd (Koivulehto 2006: 183).

86 238 Tukhom ichi is located close to the river. This type of naming by adding -ichi tradition. The construction consists of a personal name Tukhom -ichi -zha ( ) 22 sider - to be derived from diminutive. The sibilant of formants can pos- ~ Proto-Finnic diminutive * (Saarikivi 2006b: 32). -sha -ksha -ksa ( ) 23 It seems that - has the variants -ksa/-ksha. oblasts: Volo ksha ~ Volo sh ka, Shumo ksha ~ Shumo sh Kolo ksha Kolo sha Tome ksha ~ Tomu sh ka. ksa-/ksha formants occur: Lav sha Nero sh ka, Pono sha Tol sha Ugre sha spread -ksa/-ksha. usually considered a reverse development,, according to the history of the vari s : vari ks en [crow : crow s] (cf. ks- has been understood to be contradict this hypothesis. Matveyev has connected the formant (Matveyev 2001). The variants of formants -sha ~ -ksha ion - is of different origin, a diminutive marker as presented above. Both Ahlqvist and Matveyev claim that the formant -gda/-khta could be derived from an earlier formant -ksa/-ksha ants of the same hydronym prove that a development *- /-khta has taken place: Molo ksha ~ Molo khcha ~ Molo khta 22 In Novgorod oblast: Kobo zha (ANO28A3), Kobo zha (ANO30A2), Molog zha (ANO25V5), Orede zh (ANO20B1), Rabe zha (ANO47V5), Sere zha (ANO55A3), Vereg zha (ANO33A5), Volo zha (ANO34V4), Volo zh ba (ANO17A5), Voro zh ba 23 In Novgorod oblast: Yere sha (ANO21B5), Kolo sh ka Kolo sha, Nurdy sha (ANO33B5), Ragu sha (ANO17B5), Shildu sh ka Shildu sha, Mene ksha (ANO14V2), Nudo ksa (LPNP:K6/N).

87 -st ( ) The Novgorodian hydronym Kerest (ANO14V2) has a correspondence Kerost (AJO110A1) in Yaroslavl oblast. formant -st /-sta: in the Klyazma region Lakho st Nere sta Uro sta Vob sta Sulo st [a settlement] (AJO102), Shigolo st (AJO80) and in Kostroma oblast Yakhru st (TKKO36). - (Finn. -sto/-stö ste, Veps - ). The stem Kero st (AJO110), Kero ma (AJO17), Kera (AKO182), Ker bash (AKO138), Ker na (AKO133), Ker nas (AKO160), Kera - *skeran - Kerest [Chudovo, Volkhov] and Kerost connection. ( ) 24 The formant - /-oro /jä kä and Mari jer/jär. (Ahlqvist 292.) The formant originating from shortened form - / that occurs only in a järvi the Proto-Finno-Volgaic *järwä cannot be derived from. eu er- (Nuutinen 1989: ). This solution too seems /ä. Arja Ahlqvist has studied the problem of Nuutinen s presentation (2006: 20, footnote 13) having critics against *-kr-. Indo- *i euhr- (Mallory & Adams 1997: 636). The assumption of a laryngeal in the Indo- I suggested above, because *-Hr- kr- should have been more unnatural for speakers 24 In Novgorod oblast: (ANO34B2), Lam er skoye oz. (ANO36B3), Nev ery oz. (ANO46B3), Never ka (ANO 46B3), (ANO54V2).

88 240 of Finno-Ugrian languages than -rk-. Proto-Uralic had liquid+plosive combinations, Proto-Saami * /ä and the *jädra/ä that occurs in the territory of the Novgorodian Chudes (see the formant -dra out difficulty from the root *jäkra/ä. Finnic *järve, M kä and Mari jer/jär can be derived from *järkä. In that case, the -kä of Mordvin jä kä is not a diminutive marker as usually has been thought (SSA I 259), but part of the original stem. The element -i -vi, because Liv., Proto-Saami *, Mordvin *jä kä and Meryan /ä refer a/ä in the second syllable. 25 järi is declined in the genitive as järve järve and does not represent an independent development from the original root of the proto-language. Novgorod oblast jer (jär *järka/ä and *jädra/ä *jäkra/ä hydronyms of the lake. The last stage *järi Yary nya nya Lam er skoye (ANO36) is the source of this river. The specific of the river could thus be *järi Yarynya Nev ery -ery *järi. Yere sha Järi š. Goriyskoye oz. is located. The stems of -er/-or-lakes in Novgorod (ANO) and Tver (ATO) oblasts have (ANO34) vs. Il ma (AJO109), Il mezh (AJO36), Il menka (AJO112), Lam er skoye oz. (ANO36) vs. Lam (AJO27), Lamo Lamekh Lamenka Lam ka Pud oro (ATO54A4) vs. Pudega (AVO76), *Serig er ANO54 vs. Seruksha (AJO115), Serenga Seroksha Tam or zha (ATO54B1) vs. Tamara (AJO102), Tum er to (ATO256B2) vs. Tumash (AJO98), Nev ery ANO46) vs. Nev ra Nev ley Neva 26 *järi järi järve. 25 Sometimes an original *k/g v borghare (SSA II 402) offering the phonetic possibility of. 26 It is unlikely that the stem *serig is derived from a fish *serig (2002: 235), because in Finland Särki järvi ). The etymological background might be the same as Mordvin *Seriger lake in the Volga catchment area.

89 -dra ( ) 27 The fact that in some ancient language in Novgorod and Tver oblasts there has been *jädra/ä can be concluded from -dra- Valday there occur such names of lakes as Yedr ovo oz. (ATO50A1) and Yedr itsa oz. Edr itsa oz. (ATO50A1). Some -dra-formants are found also in the Svir region Kuz dra in Yaroslavl oblast Savo dra nka (AJO67A1) and, on the boundaries of Vologda and Yaroslavl oblast Yashkon dra (AJO22B1). järi and *jädra/ä, there may (Map 5) and *järi *š and to Mordvin: WCh ~ Mordv. lama ~ Mordv. lamo/ lama Mordv. tumo/tuma vel- - Vel giya (ANO39A4) and some others vel-. Many of them are so small that it seems difficult to derive them from the Slavic stem deeply into this subject. jädra/ä ~ Meryan /ä [* ]. There are also indications of a common Finno-Volgaic *ala historical root *jäkrä. It is important 27 In Novgorod oblast Keza dra oz. (ANO41V3), Lima ndr ovo oz. (ANO39A5), Limandrovka (ANO39A5), Nez dr inskoye oz. Shabo dro oz. (ANO40B1), Shabo der ka (ANO40B1), Sherego dra oz. (ANO27B4), Tikhoman dr ica (ANO40V3), Tishi dra oz. (ATO54A3).

90 Proto-Saami Ääninen Vychegda Finnic tribes Laatokka Pietari St. Petersburg Volkhov Msta Novgorod Svir Para- Saami Eastern Chudes Sheksna Vologda Sukhona Mologa Unzha Daugava Western Chudes *järka/ä *jäkra/ä Volga Moscow Meryans Klyazma Vetluga yakhr-, -khravjatka yedr-, -dra < *jäkrä Mari-El yer-, -er(o), Volga -or(o) Kazan < *järkä Dnieper Oka Oka Ryazan Mordvins Sura ancient *jäkrä-/*järkäboundary SW-boundary of Finno-Ugric populations Map 8. Yakhr- khra yedr- dra and yer-/yar er(o) -or(o) names of lakes in Central and North Russia and the possible boundary of the proto-language words *jäkra/ä and *järka/ä. -uya ( ) 28 oja Matveyev 2001: ). The specific Osk- may be a result of a metathesis oska oksi Oska is possible, even lya, Oskom lya (ATO94A4) and Oskom lya ruchey (ATO123A1). Oskuya is located close to the boundary of the area of Finnic hydronyms (see Section 4, Map 4). -nda ( ) 29 The formant -nda has correspondences in Finnic toponyms (cf. in Finland Vesa nto, Pyhä ntä Ile nda Leve nda Uro nda Shura nda Bol. & Mal. Kolo nda (TKKO21), Meze nda (TKKO21). The majority of these are located in Kostroma and Vladimir oblasts. The same formant also occurs in the region of southern Lake Onega 28 In Novgorod oblast: Osk uya (ANO14B2), Osk uy skoye oz. (ANO14B3) 29 In Novgorod oblast: Vero nda (ANO33A5)

91 Luzha nd ozero (AVO12), Sula nd ozero (AVO12), Vera nda Yulo nda Sura nda Viksi nda Mullonen 2002: 199, ). Ahlqvist (1992: 27 28) has pointed out that the formant -nda varies in central nga. Such nk ~ nt variation is found also in Finnish dialects: e.g. * toponyms also display the variation *nti, Holla nki, Veronda (ANO33A5), close to Velikiy Novgorod, has a counterpart in the river Vera nda ~ Vere nda and the lake Vera nd ozero Svir. Direct Finnic counterparts, such as *Vierunta are not found in Finnish toponyms (NA), but the lakes Vierus järvi Vieruva n järvi oblasts there occur the probable correspondences Ver da Vere pa *Vere upa Vere sh ka Vere ša Ver zha Ver kusha Vere ksa (AJO57), Ver bush ka (AKO186), Vere me evka Vere ma (AKO173), Vere na (AKO197), Ver zhe nka (AKO184). The stem / distribution of this specific, seems to have belonged to the language of the Meryans Conclusions Oka Upper-Volgaic group, 2) the vast Finno-Ugrian group, 3) the Finnic group, 4) the local group and 5) the Finnic Upper-Volgaic group. Many of these groups have con- The Oka Upper-Volgaic group contains the formants -ra, -lya and -er. The vast Finno-Ugrian group contains the formants -sha/-ksa/-ksha, -zha, -ma/-ba, -ga. The Finnic group has only the one representative -. The local group is repre- oda *joga, jädra/ä /ä. The Finnic Upper-Volgaic group contains the formants - and -. - Kere st [Chudovo] and Vero nda they are strongly represented in the Oka Upper-Volgaic territory.

92 Kirishi Luga Oredezh Chudovo Volkhov Novgorod Msta Msta Pestovo Borovichi Shelon Ilmen Kresttsy Mologa Valdayskoye oz. Formants of hydronyms: Valday -oda -(V)ra -lya -sha -zha -ksha, -ksa -dra -st -er -nda -ma Lovat Kholm Pola Velye oz. Seliger oz. Shlino oz. the boundary of Finno-Ugrian formants Vyshniy Volochek Novgorod oblast Map 9. Finno-Ugrian formants in Novgorod oblast. 6. The Finnic sound shifts *š > h > t and Novgorodian hydronyms One of the most essential sound shifts in Finnic is and another is * t ine names containing š, and h. With the help of these names it is possible to verify shifts did or did not take place Hydronyms with < š > To this category belong such hydronyms as Shabo dro oz. (ANO40B1) Shadomlya Šadonläj Shuya (ANO16V3) *šuj *šuj- tion) Yashche ra *

93 Bol. & Mal. Vishe ra Vishe ra (ANO22V2), Bol. & Mal. Visherka *više/ä Msta hydronyms have numerous correspondences in the Upper Volga and Oka region Hydronyms with < > To this category belong such rivers and lakes as Chagoda (2) Chagodoshcha (ANO6-7A8), Chagodskoye oz. (ANO34B2), Checho ra (this river is the last one in its catchment area) 30, Cherma (LPNP:Z1/S) and the Lake dences in the Upper Volga and Oka regions. On the basis of the hydronyms mentioned above, it is possible to conclude that some Finno-Ugrian language the sound shifts *š * and * šere and 6.3. Hydronyms with < h > The initial Finnic h can be substituted, and j- (,,,, ) or by zero Ø (Mullonen 2002: 51 56) Toponyms with initial Russian kh- ( Khaba l inka (ANO20B2), an oikonym in Leningrad oblast in the upper course of the southern boundary of Ingrian settlement. Khobo l ka hoaba ~ Mordvin, PFP.

94 246 Suomi Khuba (ANO23V6), Khub ka huaba taken place (Kirkinen 1994: 154). In principle, it is possible to derive the toponyms hüvä and the Finnic *v, the Novgorodian area (Mullonen 2002: 58, 68). The latter is more rare as a naming ground Toponyms with initial Russian Gebezhkoye oz. close to Khobolka. Phonetically it is possible to derive the specific from Tver-Valday Karelian hebo Toponyms with loss (Ø) of the original initial Finnic *h- Izhina oblast close to the border of Vologda oblast. This hydronym can most probably be derived from an original *. In that case, in the background there may be the migrated in the 17th century (Kirkinen 1994: 166) Toponyms with *h ~ Russian Toponyms of this category are not found Conclusion h- they can be derived either from Ingrian or Karelian migration in the 17th century AD. nyms is so small that most probably they are not inherited from the aboriginals of the Novgorodian territory, i.e. from the Chudes the toponyms based on the diphthongs -oa- (hoaba) or -ua- (huaba) originate from the Karelian language.

95 7. Ethnonyms Chude and Nere ~ Mere 7.1. is vast. 31 The areal distribution is focused in Novgorod, Leningrad and Tver oblasts. A total of 30 names have been collected here. (4), Yaroslavl obl. (4), Pskov obl. (3), Ivanov (2), Vladimir obl. (2), Kaluga obl. (1), Kirov obl. (1), Kostoma obl. (1), Tula obl. (1). Arkhangelsk oblast the chronicles referred to as [ is not yet solved. If the toponyms at least mainly reflect the ethnos of the Novgorodian ments of Novgorod and Tver seem to correspond to the core area of Chudian settle- of toponyms do not occur in the histori- marsh Choudy boloto atlas AVO (2008), toponyms are totally lacking. In the traditional Meryan territory in Yaroslavl, Vladimir and Kostroma oblasts of hydronyms, Chud ozero and Chudo järvi 31 Chudina (oikon.) (ANO48), Chudinovo (oikon.) (ANO43), Chudinskoye bol. (marsh) (ANO36), Chudintsevy Gorki (oikon.) (ANO32), Chudovka (river) (ANO24), Chudovo Chudovo (oikon.) (ANO38), Chudsko (oikon.) (ANO32), Chudskoye oz. (lake) (ANO50), Chudskoye (nature) (ANO28), Chudskoy Bor (oikon.) (ANO13), Chudtsy (nature) (ANO16), Chudskoye ozero ~ Peipus (lake) (LPNP:Z1/S), Chudskaya Rudnitsa (oikon.) (LPNP:I1/S), Chudskiye Zakhody (oikon.) (LPNP:I1/S), Chudtsy (oikon.) (LPNP:K7/N), Chudskaya (oikon.) (LPNP:I7/N), Opol skiy v Chyudi nin 1997: 18), Toldozhskiy v Chyudi (oikon.) ibid., Chudinka (oikon.) (AMO57), Chudinovo (oikon.) (AMO115), Chudtsevo (oikon.) (AMO37), Chudtsevskoye oz. (lake) (AMO37), Chudnovka (ATuO69), Chudnenkij (oikon.) (AKalO51), Chudinovo (nature) (ASO32,63), Chudino oz Chudinovo (oikon.) (AVldO43), Chudskaya (oikon.) (AVldO65), Chud (oikon.) (AIO18~AKO189), Chudinka (nature) (AJO21), Chudinovo (oikon.) (AJO38), Chudinovskoye bol. (marsh) (AJO61), Chudikha (oikon.) (AKO121), Chudal ovo (oikon.) [Kir. obl.] (AVO67), Chudinka (oikon.) [Yrl obl.] (AVO92), Chudino (oikon.) (ATO67), Chudinovo (oikon.) (ATO134,152), Chudinovskiy (river) (ATO16,123), Chudiny (oikon.) (ATO96), Chudnikovo (oikon.) (ATO80), Chudovo (oikon.) (ATO189,211), Chudskoy Stan Choudy boloto Chudojärvi Chudozero

96 FINLAND Ääninen Onega Dvina Vychegda Laatokka Pietari St. Petersburg Svir Sukhona Novgorod Volkhov Sheksna Vologda Unzha Volga Volga Vetluga Nizhniy- Novgorod Chude-toponym the boundary of the principal areas of the Chudes Moscow Oka Ryazan Oka Map 10. The areal distribution of Chud(e)-toponyms. There are some interesting stray toponyms. In Kirov oblast close to the border of Vologda oblast there occurs a village name Chudal ovo. Close to it is another village called Chegado evskiy. Chudovo Chagoda Volkhov area.

97 7.2. The majority of and toponyms are located in the traditional area of the 32 Merevskoye oz. on the border of Novgorod and Leningrad oblasts is Mereva ~ Nereva (see Machinskiy 1986: 8 9). Povest vremennykh let in a literary form Neroma. It The variants in the Upper Volga Oka area seem both to refer to the Meryans of the chronicles. Ahlqvist (1999: ) has seen a reason for the Viking. In that case the original ethnonym should be. Ahlqvist believes In jer. As a naming model her Merya Nere and Nereva ~ Nereva ~ Neroma of Nero oz. is very Neuri. Narev Neris (today in Belarus and Lithuania) (~ Galindian - Nar yazykovo Nerevas. It from the neighbouring Balts. 32 Merevskoye oz. (ANO20), Mereley Mer ka Mer lyay Mer ovka Mer skaya Meryan ovskoye Meryak in Mer skaya (AJO69), Mera (TKKO49), Merem sha (TKKO41). Ner ach ino oz. (ANO40), Nere ts koye oz. (ANO37), Ner tsa (ANO37), Ner ash Nere vets Nere vka Nere vskoye Neres l Nere sta Nere khta Ner l Nere buzh skoye Ner ga (AJO72), Nere khta (AJO85,95), Ner l [Volga] (AJO106), Nero oz. (AJO102), Nere to (ATO21), Nere g (TKKO62), Nere khta Nerizha Nero sh ka luga, Nere ta ~ Narata

98 250 Ääninen Laatokka Svir Pietari St. Petersburg Sukhona Volkhov Novgorod Sheksna Vologda Unzha the principal area of Chud(e)-toponyms Dnieper Volga Moscow Oka Oka the principal area of Mereand Nerehydronyms Nizhniy- Novgorod Vetluga hydronym Vjatka Mer(e)- Ner(e)- Mari-El hydronym Volga Kazan Ryazan Sura Map 11. The principal areas of Chud(e) Mer(e) and Ner(e) hydronyms Other ethnonyms Kurlyandskoye Libya (ANO47B4), Livitsa Litvinovo Meshcherskaya Kromka Nemtsovo

99 8. Pskov region Neither Finnic nor Upper-Volgaic Finno-Ugrian macrotoponyms occur in the sur- Slavic, and therefore it is possible to presume that the Slavs have lived in the Pskov region for a long time. In the map Obzorno-Geograficheskaya karta (LPNP) 1: Shiritskoye oz. rel, Velino oz. Brannoye oz. - Zabel skoye oz. Zhel tsa Polon ka Obdekh ~ Optjogi Lochkina communis, Uza In addition, there are etymologically obscure, possibly Old Baltic names such as Plisa Tolba *tol upe cf. Lith. tolimas, Latv. upe in the Tolba (ASO84A2). The names of the rivers Keb and Kebtsa could be of Finno-Ugrian origin, i.e. from Finnic *kive e Chudskoye ozero (~ Peipsijärvi ~ Peipus) is not the name of Pskovskoye oz. The Chudskoye (see Map 1). 9. Conclusions 9.1. Finnic toponyms As presented in Section 4, the southern boundary of transparently Finnic hydronyms occur (Map 1). Their areal distribution is located mainly in the area of Leningrad into account that most of their stems or specifics occur also in the Upper Volga and Il m-, Kib- and Mst- (see Map 4) or that they have an

100 252 Oka-Volgaic formant (e.g. Yaim lya, Map 6), the Finnic origin of these hydronyms must be considered uncertain. The most remarkable argument against the Finnic ori- (e.g. in the hydronyms Shuya, Shabo dro oz., Yashchera, Vishera) and (in the hydronyms Chagoda, Chechora, Cherma, Cheremenskoye oz *h that could be considered as Finnic names in Novgorod oblast seem to originate from Ka.Valday hoaba and Khuba huaba 9.2. Evidence of formants sha/-ksa/-ksha, -zha, -ga, -nda, -ra, -lya/-l and - /-. such as - /ä areas of Novgorod and Tver oblasts. There is only one occurrence of a generic that is certainly Finnic:. järvi / shortened form järi or even such toponyms in Finland as Lake In ari in Lapland and Lake Äht äri järi is a järvi and In ari or Äht äri Ätsäri) originate from occurs in the Upper Volga and Oka area 9.3. Evidence of ethnonyms Chudes and an ethnic group called / (see Section 7). The most important area of toponyms is located in Novgorod and Tver oblasts, in the Mere-, Nere-, and Nar-ethnonyms are located in the Upper Luga and Upper Daugava, in Valday and in the Meryan areas of the chronicles in Central

101 Nere vskiy Konets and a street called Chudintsevaya ulitsa. Chude - and *jädra/ä (see Section 7.2 and Map 11). The areal distribution of the ethnonyms Chude and Mere/Nere Yaroslavl oblasts (Map 11). emlya and -omlya regional administrative centres Chudskoy stan and Meretskiy stan toponyms and the onomastic simi- basis of the ancient Meryan Land. The areal distribution of toponyms and its Finnic hydronyms (Map 3) and the boundary of medieval Votes, Ingrians and Vepses The vocabulary behind substrate names in Novgorod oblast seems in most cases to be -dra and. 33 In addition the name of the Lake Kaftino~Kaftano oz. (ANO39V4-5, on the boundary of Novgorod and Tver oblasts) Msta kavto ~ kafto and Moksha kafta kakta the Lake Udal oz. udal- as of the big one In jukha (TVO188B2) and its smaller tributary Veshka cf. Mordvin veška musta (in Msta- Volga territory. At least the toponyms seem to support this, because Finnic tribes Mst- 33 In this case Volgaic languages mean Mordvin and Meryan-Muroma, the latter as defined by toponyms.

102 Hydronyms of Pskov region of macrotoponyms to have been populated by Slavs since a very early date. A medie- in the light of toponyms almost impossible. The proportion of Balts in the Pskov to the Balto-Slavic era. Some hydronyms of Tver oblast, such as Oka [Lovat basin] and Ok cha, may possibly be derived from Proto-Balto-Slavic NW Proto- *h 2 akwah : 4, Fig. 1 according to Sedov). The great number of Slavic toponyms of the Pskov region support the old hypoth- - stage already in the 5th century as far as the Mologa region (Yushkova 2006: 145). According to Yushkova (2006: 149), the first small Slavic groups came to the Lake Chudes into the Finnic speaking area. A smaller Finnic population has lived in different times in the area of modern Novgorod and Tver oblasts. supposedly the economical attraction of Novgorod brought a Finnic population from Ingria and Karelia already in earlier times (see the Birchbark Documents in Section 2.2). It seems on the basis of archaeological evidence that the so-called people ethnonymic hydronyms Libya and Livitsa aboriginal Novgorodian Chudes of the chronicles Oka Upper-Volgaic influence Oka Upper-Volgaic influence clearly reaching Novgorod and territory of Lake Ilmen.

103 Pietari St. Petersburg Laatokka Svir Sukhona Volkhov Sheksna Novgorod Msta Vologda Unzha Mologa Volga Vetluga Nizhniy- Novgorod Oka and Upper- Volgaic Vjatka influence Udmurtia Ilm-hydronyms Mari-El Kama -ra-formants Volga Kazan Daugava Dnieper Moscow Oka Kljaz ma Ryazan Oka Chud(e)-toponyms Mer(e)- / Ner(e)- toponyms -khra /-dra-formants and Yakhr- / Yedr-lakes core area of influence Penza Dyakovo Culture Map 12. Ilm Chude and Mere-/Nere- ra- and -khra- dra- formants and Yakhr-/Yedr-lakes. The core area has been defined by three (3) of five (5) factors influencing dialect to be a Meryan substrate influence. This dialectal area is especially strong in - - pendants mentioned above) close to the Meryans. article is to attract a younger generation of scholars to the study of the Finno-Ugrians of the ancient Novgorodian Land. More thorough research of the stems and specif- by the relatively late Karelian and Ingrian migrants from the more early names originating from the Novgorodian Chudian language. The question of West Chudes and

104 256 Hydronyms of Leningrad oblast from the map Obzorno-Geograficheskaja Avloga V5S, Cheremenskoye oz. Z4S, Cherma Z1S, Choga I8N, Chud lya K3N, Galmach ikha I1S, Khabol ovo oz. D2S, Khepo yarvi oz. Il mas I8N, Izhora (~ Inkere) D5S, Kem ka Kikhtol ka Kobo na I3N, Kopan skoye oz. D2S, Kost uya K3N, Kus ega I5N, Kusi nka K4N, Lembol ovskoye oz. V5S, Lemovzha Lipovskoye oz. D2S, Lyamzha I7N, Lyussa Z2S, Lyuta Z2S, Ludo nka I3S, Luti nka Lynna I5N, Mar i nka K4N, Mga D6S, Nazi ya I3N, Neva D5S, Nudo ksa K6N, Obnova Okhta V5S, Olesh nya K4N, Olo m na K4N, Oredezh Pinega I6N, Pit I7N, Pyal itsa Bol. I8N, Puz oya I8N, Radil ovo K3S, Ragoz inka Rap lya L6N, Saba Samro oz Sapa I6N, Sestra Sit nya I3S, Syas I5N, Sol ka Suyda Suksa I6N, Suma D2S, Shchalo oz. K5N, Shizh nya I6N, Shomu ksha I6N, Shug ozero I7N, Tosna D5S, Tikhvin ka K7N, Tig oda L4N, Tumo ka I7N, Ukhta Vegotskoye oz. I4N, Vel ya L4N, Verd uga Z3S, Vyalye oz. Vl oya K4N, Voytol ovka D6S, Voya Volgom ka I5N, Volo yarvi oz. V5S, Volo zh ba K6N, Yanya Z2S, Yashchera Yegl inka Hydronyms of Novgorod oblast from the map ANO Andolovka Chagoda 13A5, Chagoda 19B5, Chagodoshcha 6-7A8, Chagodskoye oz. 34B2, Chechora 28V2, Cherenka 18B1, Cherenka 17A4, Cherenskoye oz. 17A4, Chichilovka 46B1, Chuchemlya 27V5, Chuchemlya oz. 27V5, Chudovka 24V2, Chudskoye oz. 50B2, Il men oz. 34B2, Il men 19V5, Ingor 14B4, Izhina 30B4, Kadvisha 27V5, Kaftino 39V5, Kalenoye oz. 48A3, Kaleshev 30V2, Kaleshevka 29V5, Karkomlya 40B3, Kastenka 12B1, Kashirka 24A3, Kat 30B3, Keza 41V5, Kezadra 41V3, Kemka 39V4, Kerest 14V2, Khachin 54V2, Khadritsa 26V4, Khuba 23V6, Khubka 23V5, Kiba 32A2, Kirva 30B2, Kirishkoye oz. 14A2, Kit ma 29V5, Kobozha 28A3, Kobozha 30A2, Kocha Koyegoshcha 38A3, Kolba 35V5, Kolodezhskoye oz. 34A2, Kolomenka 31V1, Kolomenka 48A3, Koloshka 32V2, Komel 25B3, Koregoshch oz. 54V1, Korkomlya 30A3, Korpovka 34V2, Korpovka 45V5, Kostygovka 46V1, Kostyzhenskoye oz. 30B2, Kotyl 30B2, Kova 47V5, Kreksha 34V2, Kudra 47B3, Lamerskoye oz. 36B3, Lib ya 47B4, Limandrovka 39A5, Lipyarvi oz. 18B3, Mda 25A3, Mdo oz. 26A2, Mezga 30A4, Melegusha 17A4, Meneksha 14V2, Merevskoye oz. 20B1, Merlozhinskaya 55A5, Mologa 30B3, Mologzha 25V5, Molonitsa 41B5, Msta 34A2, Mstizhskoye oz. 46V2, Mshaga 32B3, Neverka 46B3, Nevery oz. 46B3, Nezdrinskoye oz. Nemega oz. 48B2, Neretskoye oz. 37V4, Nertsa 37A3, Niga oz. 27B6, Nil skoye oz. 34A3, Nudynya 14A3, Nurdysha 33B5, Oka 55B3, Okzovka Oksochka 24V3, Omash 29B5, Omsha oz. 17V5, Omsha oz. 27V5, Omsha 17V5, Oredezh 20B1, Oskuya 14B2, Oskuyskoye oz. 14B3, Pyardomlya 17A6, Ponyr 18B1, Priksha 26A2, Rabezha

105 47V5, Ravan 13B5, Ragusha 17B5, Radoga 29B4, Radol 40A1, Radol skoye oz. 40B2, Radokha 14B2, Raduga Raduga 37A3, Radulya oz. 26A2, Raplya 16A2, Rdeyskoye oz. 50B2, Redekha 40B1, Redya 34V3, Redrovo oz. 28B3, Retno oz. 21A4, Retomlya 17V5, Rotno oz. 17V5, Rotnoye oz. 26V2, Ryaplya 16B1, Ryasno oz. 54V3, Saba Sabro oz. Sabrovka Sapina 17B4, Saragozha 41B5, Seliger oz. 54V2, Seregizhna 23V5, Seremno oz. 54B3, Seremo oz. 54V2, Serezha 55A3, Sermenok oz. 54V2, Sig oz. Sivel ba 38A3, Siverik oz. 17V4, Siverka 23V5, Sizovka 52V2, Syas 17A4, Smerdomka 19V4, Sormal oz. 26A3, Soroga 54V3, Stabenka 53A3, Sudomlya 18B1, Suglinka 19A3, Suytsa Bol. 12B1, Sun ya 12B2, Surovskoye oz. 12B1, Suvatel 12A2, Shaboderka 40B1, Shabodro oz. 40B1, Shadomlya Shalimovka 26V2, Shambolovka 44V3, Shar ya 14B3, Shedomets oz. 38B3, Shegrinka Shelon 33B4, Sheregodra oz. 27B4, Sheshno oz. 38B2, Shigolka 19B4, Shildushka 25B4, Shuya 16V3, Shuyarvi-Shu, bol. 18B3, Shulakovka Shul ga 50V3, Taborka 18A3, Tagran oz. 48A1, Tigoda oz. Tigoda 14A2, Tikhomandritsa 40V3, Tsevlo oz. 49V2, Tsozhenka 55A4, Tuder Bol. 51V4, Tuder Mal. 50V3, Tuleblya 34V2, Tushemel ka 19B3, Tushemel skoye oz. 19B4, Uchenskiy 45B4, Uchonka 34V2, Udal oz. 39V4, Udina 27B5, Udomlya oz. Unomerka 32A2, Ushenka 42V3, Ushkovo oz. 26A2, Uzminka oz. 18B2, Uzha oz. 26B3, Vagan oz. 16V3, Valdayka 38V2, Valdayskoye oz Veksha 33B3, Vergot 34V3, Veregzha 27B4, Verkasenka 34B3, Veronda 33A5, Veryazha 33A5, Vitsa Virovno oz. 23A4, Viska 43V4, Vittsa 36A2, Vishera 22V2, Vishera Bol. Vishera Mal. 23A6, Visherka Bol. 23B5, Vyalets oz. 26B4, Vyaloye oz. 24V3, Vyazhitskoye oz. 21V5, Vozhanskoye oz. 19B4, Volga 53B4, Voldomitsa Volzhanka 40V1, Volma 36A1, Volozha 34V4, Volozhba 17A5, Volkhov 22V2, Vorozhba Yaimlya 36B2, Yashchera 6-7A1, Yavon 46V1, Yederka 48A3, Yedrovo oz. 48A2, Yeglinka 12B2, Yeglinka 37V4, Yeglino oz. 37V4, Yelimna 14B4, Yemetskoye oz. 27A5, Yemenets Yeresha 21B5, Yurinka

106 258 Moscow Ivanovo Serpukhov Ryazan Kaluga Orel Tambov Vladimir Volga Volga Oka Klyazma Oka Zhizdra Ugra Protva Upa Pronya Tsna Pra Gus Ushna Nerl Teza Oka Vad Klyazma Tula Murom Moksha Nizhniy-Novgorod 15-18a1 18a2-24b2 24b2-27 (27) 28-29b 29b-32b 32b3-36b3 36b3-37 (37b) 38-41a1 41a1-43b1 43b1-45a 45b (53b) a 59b a1 71b b-80a 80b- 82a 65 a2-66b2 66b3-71a (74b3) 75-76a 82b a 98b- 102a 102b-105a 105b a1 110a a2 115a3-119b1 119b2-123a 123a3-125a2 125a3-128b2 128b b1 151b2-156a 156a -160a 160b- 161a 161b- 167b2 167b3-170b1 170b a1 178a2-182a1 182b a 192b a 205b a3-222a1 222a2-224a 224b 226a b (227b3) b2 233b3-237a 237b- 240a a b b2 253b3 254a1 254 a b2 263 b1 267b2 268b Page numbering of GBO Map 13. Location of hydronyms according to the page numbers of GBO.

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113 SMJ =.. SP = Suomen paikannimikirja 2007: Sirkka Paikkala (ed.). Jyväskylä: Karttakeskus, Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus. SSA = Suomen sanojen alkuperä I III. (eds). Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 556. Kotimaisten kielten tutki- laisen Kirjallisuuden Seura ,. Virittäjä 37: 9. Topics on the ethnic, linguistic and cultural making of the Russian North. Slavica Helsingensia 32. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University Uralisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. Budapest. Uino, Pirjo 1997: Ancient Karelia. Archaeological Studies. Suomen muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja 104. Helsinki. Juhani Nuorluoto (ed.), The Slavicization of the Russian North. Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University Vaahtera, Jouni 2009:. Slavica Helsingensia 37. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University ,.

114 266 Wörterbuch der Russischen gewässernamen I V. Berlin.. - BC 8th Century AD). Juhani Nuorluoto (ed.), The slavicization of the Russian North. Slavica Helsingiensia 27. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University

115 ÑÒÀÒÜÈ ÓÄÊ (= ) Ï. Ðàõêîíåí Óíèâåðñèòåò Õåëüñèíêè (Ôèíëÿíäèÿ) pauli.rahkonen@gmail.com ÃÐÀÍÈÖÛ ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈß ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ ÂÅÐÕÎÂÜßÕ ÂÎËÃÈ È ÁÀÑÑÅÉÍÅ ÎÊÈ Êëþ åâûå ñëîâà: ôèííî-óãîðñêèå ÿçûêè, ñóáñòðàòíàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ, áàññåéí Îêè, âåðõîâüÿ Âîëãè, ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêàÿ ãèäðîíèìèÿ, ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêèé àðåàë, äðåâíåìîðäîâñêàÿ ãèäðîíèìèÿ, àðåàë äðåâíåé ìîðäâû.  ñòàòüå ðàññìàòðèâàåòñÿ òîïîíèìèÿ ìåðè, ìóðîìû è äðåâíåé ìîðäâû ôèííî-óãîðñêèõ íàðîäîâ, íàñåëÿâøèõ â ïðîøëîì ðåãèîí Öåíòðàëüíîé Ðîññèè. Îïèðàÿñü íà ëåòîïèñíûå è àðõåîëîãè åñêèå äàííûå, à òàêæå íà ðÿä íàèáîëåå ïîêàçàòåëüíûõ òîïîíèìè åñêèõ àòðèáóòîâ è ôîðìàíòîâ, àâòîð çàêëþ àåò, òî ìåðÿíñêèé è ìóðîìñêèé ÿçûêè ÿâëÿëèñü áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûìè è áûëè ëîêàëèçîâàíû â ïÿòè àðåàëàõ: ðîñòîâñêî-êîñòðîìñêîì, ìóðîìñêîì, äüÿêîâñêîì, ñåâåðíîì îçåðíîì êðàå è ñåâåðíîé ïåðèôåðèè. Äðåâíÿÿ ìîðäâà, ñîãëàñíî âûâîäàì àâòîðà, áûëà ðàññåëåíà çíà èòåëüíî çàïàäíåå ñîâðåìåííîé òåððèòîðèè ïðîæèâàíèÿ ìîðäâû. 1. Ââåäåíèå 1.1. Îáùèå çàìå àíèÿ  äàííîé ñòàòüå ïðåäïðèíèìàåòñÿ ïîïûòêà àíàëèçà òîïîíèìèè ìåðè, ìóðîìû è äðåâíåé ìîðäâû ôèííî-óãîðñêèõ ïëåìåí, íàñåëÿâøèõ íåêîãäà ðåãèîí Ðàõêîíåí Ï., 2012 Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

116 6 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ öåíòðàëüíîé Ðîññèè. Îñíîâíîé ìàññèâ òîïîíèìèè ýòîé òåððèòîðèè ñîõðàíèëñÿ ñî âðåìåí, ïðåäøåñòâîâàâøèõ îñâîåíèþ åå ñëàâÿíàìè. Öåëüþ èññëåäîâàíèÿ ÿâëÿåòñÿ îïðåäåëåíèå ãðàíèö ðàññåëåíèÿ íîñèòåëåé ìåðÿíñêîãî, ìóðîìñêîãî 1 è äðåâíåìîðäîâñêîãî ÿçûêîâ. Ñòàòüÿ îòêðûâàåòñÿ Ââåäåíèåì, â êîòîðîì êðàòêî õàðàêòåðèçóþòñÿ èçó àåìàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ, òîïîíèìè åñêèå èñòî íèêè, ìåòîäû èññëåäîâàíèÿ, äðåâíèå ïëàñòû òîïîíèìèè ðåãèîíà, åãî èçâåñòíûé ïî ëåòîïèñÿì ýòíè åñêèé ñîñòàâ, èñòîðèîãðàôèÿ âîïðîñà. Îñíîâíàÿ àñòü ñòàòüè ñîñòîèò èç äâóõ ðàçäåëîâ, â êîòîðûõ ïîñëåäîâàòåëüíî àíàëèçèðóþòñÿ ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêàÿ è ìîðäîâñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ. Âûâîäû èññëåäîâàíèÿ ôîðìóëèðóþòñÿ â Çàêëþ åíèè. Àíàëèç ìàòåðèàëà è ðåçóëüòàòû ðàáîòû èëëþñòðèðóþòñÿ êàðòàìè 1 12, ïîìåùåííûìè âíóòðè òåêñòà. Àíàëèç ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêîé òîïîíèìèè ïðîâîäèòñÿ íà îñíîâå àòðèáóòîâ è ôîðìàíòîâ ñëîæíûõ íàçâàíèé. àñòü àòðèáóòîâ ïðåäñòàâëÿåò ñîáîé òîïîãðàôè åñêè âûâåðåííûå ãåîãðàôè åñêèå òåðìèíû, äðóãèå àòðèáóòèâíûå ýëåìåíòû îòíîñÿòñÿ ê íàèáîëåå ðàñïðîñòðàíåííûì â òîïîíèìèè: ýòî ñëîâà ñî çíà åíèÿìè âåðõíèé, íèæíèé, ìàëûé, áîëüøîé. Âíèìàíèå óäåëÿåòñÿ òàêæå ýòíîíèìó ìåð(å)-, íåð(å)- ìåðÿ, ìåðÿíñêèé, êîòîðûé øèðîêî îòðàæåí â òîïîíèìèè öåíòðàëüíûõ è àñòè ñåâåðíûõ îáëàñòåé Ðîññèè. Â èññëåäîâàíèè ìîðäîâñêîé òîïîíèìèè, íàðÿäó ñ îñíîâíûìè àòðèáóòèâíûìè ýëåìåíòàìè, ðàññìàòðèâàþòñÿ äåòåðìèíàíòû ñî çíà åíèÿìè îçåðî è ðåêà. Èñïîëüçóåìûå â ðàáîòå ýòíîíèìû ìåðÿ è ìóðîìà èçâåñòíû ïî ðóññêèì ëåòîïèñÿì, à òàêæå ïî äàííûì òîïîíèìèè, êîòîðàÿ ïî ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèþ êîððåëèðóåò ñ àðõåîëîãè åñêèìè äàííûìè [Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, ; Leont ev, 1996, êàðòà 5]. Ê ìåðÿíñêîé òîïîíèìèè ïðèíÿòî îòíîñèòü íàçâàíèÿ, çàôèêñèðîâàííûå â áàññåéíå îçåð Íåðî è Ïëåùååâî, à òàêæå íà âîäîðàçäåëå áàññåéíîâ Êëÿçüìû è Âîëãè â âåðõíåì è ñðåäíåì òå åíèè Êëÿçüìû. Ìóðîìñêèìè ñ èòàþòñÿ òîïîíèìû, îòìå åííûå â îêðåñòíîñòÿõ ã. Ìóðîì è â íèçîâüÿõ Îêè è Êëÿçüìû. Íåîáõîäèìî îòìåòèòü, òî íà î åð åííîé òåððèòîðèè âñòðå àþòñÿ è òîïîíèìû, êîòîðûå íå ÿâëÿþòñÿ ìåðÿíñêèìè èëè ìóðîìñêèìè, ïîýòîìó äëÿ àíàëèçà ìû âûáðàëè ëèøü ñàìûå òèïè íûå íàçâàíèÿ. Ïðîâåäåíèå åòêîé ãðàíèöû ìåæäó ìåðåé è ìóðîìîé çàòðóäíèòåëüíî â ñèëó ñõîäñòâà òîïîíèìèè ýòèõ íàðîäîâ [ñì: Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, 150, ðèñ. 40 ïî Ôàñìåðó]. Àðõåîëîãè åñêèõ ñîâïàäåíèé íà ñîîòâåòñòâóþùèõ òåððèòîðèÿõ òàêæå äîâîëüíî ìíîãî, õîòÿ îáíàðóæèâàþòñÿ è ðàçëè èÿ. Íàïðèìåð, îäèí èç òèïîâ ïîäâåñîê â âèäå ëîøàäè, êîòîðîìó â êëàññèôèêàöèè Å. À. Ðÿáèíèíà ïðèñâîåí íîìåð XVII, øèðîêî ðàñïðîñòðàíåí êàê â áàññåéíå ð. Íåðëü, ïðèòîêà Êëÿçüìû, òàê è â Ìóðîìñêîé îáë. [Makarov, 2006, 277, fig. 4]. Îïèðàÿñü, â àñòíîñòè, íà ðàçëè èÿ 1 Ðàçóìååòñÿ, êîððåêòíåå áûëî áû ãîâîðèòü î ÿçûêàõ, áûòîâàâøèõ íà îáîçíà åííûõ â ëåòîïèñÿõ ìåðÿíñêèõ è ìóðîìñêèõ çåìëÿõ, îäíàêî äëÿ êðàòêîñòè â ñòàòüå ïðèíÿòû îáîçíà åíèÿ ìåðÿíñêèé ÿçûê, ìóðîìñêèé ÿçûê. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

117 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ7 â óêðàøåíèÿõ, À. Å. Ëåîíòüåâ ïðåäïîëàãàåò, òî ãðàíèöà ìåæäó ìåðåé è ìóðîìîé ïðîõîäèëà ïî Êëÿçüìå, âäîëü ðåê Óâîäü è Òàðà [Leont ev, 1996, 333]. Ê âåðõîâüÿì Âîëãè â äàííîì èññëåäîâàíèè îòíåñåíû Òâåðñêàÿ è ßðîñëàâñêàÿ îáë., à òàêæå àñòü Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. ê çàïàäó îò âîäîðàçäåëà Âåòëóãè è Óíæè. Ãèäðîíèìèÿ Âîëîãîäñêîé îáë. çàïàäíåå âåðõîâüåâ Âàãè âêëþ àåòñÿ íàìè öåëèêîì, õîòÿ àñòü âîäíûõ îáúåêòîâ äàííîé òåððèòîðèè îòíîñèòñÿ ê áàññåéíàì Ñóõîíû è Îíåãè. Ýòîò ðåãèîí, îäíàêî, ïðåäñòàâëÿåò ñîáîé åäèíîå ïðîñòðàíñòâî, îáðàçóåìîå îçåðàìè Âîæå, Êóáåíñêèì è Áåëûì. Âêëþ åííàÿ â èññëåäîâàíèå òîïîíèìèÿ áàññåéíà Îêè ïî åðïíóòà íàìè èç ñëîâàðÿ Ã. Ï. Ñìîëèöêîé «Ãèäðîíèìèÿ áàññåéíà Îêè» [ÃÁÎ], àòëàñîâ Ðÿçàíñêîé [ÀÐÎ] è Ìîñêîâñêîé [ÀÌÎ] îáë., à òàêæå èç îáùåãåîãðàôè åñêîé êàðòû Íèæåãîðîäñêîé îáë. [ÎÍÎ]. Òîïîíèìèÿ âåðõîâèé Âîëãè âçÿòà èç àòëàñîâ ßðîñëàâñêîé [ÀßÎ], Êîñòðîìñêîé [AKO], Òâåðñêîé [ATO] è Âîëîãîäñêîé [ÀÂÎ] îáë.; òîïîíèìèÿ áàññåéíà Ñâèðè èç «Ñëîâàðÿ ãèäðîíèìîâ þãî-âîñòî íîãî Ïðèëàäîæüÿ: áàññåéí ðåêè Ñâèðü» [ÑÃÁÑ].  ðàáîòå áûëè èñïîëüçîâàíû òàêæå ñëîâàðü òîïîíèìèè Êåíîçåðà [Äåðÿãèí, Äåðÿãèíà, Ìàíèõèí], òîïîãðàôè åñêàÿ êàðòà Ðåñïóáëèêè Êàðåëèÿ [ÒÊÐÊ], êàðòû ÃÓÃÊ ÑÑÑÐ ïî Êîòëàñó è Îíåãå è îáùåãåîãðàôè åñêàÿ êàðòà Àðõàíãåëüñêîé îáë. [OAO]. àñòü èíôîðìàöèè áûëà ïî- åðïíóòà èç èññëåäîâàíèé À. Ê. Ìàòâååâà [2001, 2004, 2006]. Ãèäðîíèìèÿ Âîëõîâà âçÿòà èç àòëàñà Íîâãîðîäñêîé îáë. [ÀÍÎ], âåðõîâüåâ Äíåïðà èç àòëàñà Ñìîëåíñêîé îáë. [ÀÑÎ]. Ê ñîæàëåíèþ, ïî øèðîòå îòðàæåíèÿ ìàòåðèàëà èñïîëüçîâàííûå â ðàáîòå èñòî íèêè ðàçíîðîäíû. Ñ îäíîé ñòîðîíû, åñòü òåððèòîðèè, òîïîíèìèÿ êîòîðûõ ñîáðàíà ñàìûì òùàòåëüíûì îáðàçîì. Ê íèì îòíîñÿòñÿ Ïðèî üå è áàññåéí Ñâèðè, òîïîíèìèÿ êîòîðûõ çàôèêñèðîâàíà â ñïåöèàëüíûõ ñëîâàðÿõ [ÃÁÎ; ÑÃÁÑ].  òî æå âðåìÿ äëÿ ðÿäà ðåãèîíîâ ïðèøëîñü äîâîëüñòâîâàòüñÿ íàçâàíèÿìè, êîòîðûå ïðåäñòàâëåíû òîëüêî íà îôèöèàëüíûõ êàðòàõ, òîãäà êàê íàðîäíûå âàðèàíòû ýòèõ òîïîíèìîâ ïîêà íåèçâåñòíû.  ýòîé ñèòóàöèè â ïîëå çðåíèÿ èññëåäîâàòåëÿ ïîïàäàþò ëèøü íàçâàíèÿ íàèáîëåå êðóïíûõ îáúåêòîâ. Îá îñòðîé íåõâàòêå ïîëåâûõ òîïîíèìè åñêèõ ìàòåðèàëîâ ïèñàë, â àñòíîñòè, À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ, îòìå àâøèé, òî äëÿ âîñïîëíåíèÿ ýòîãî ïðîáåëà òðåáóåòñÿ çíà èòåëüíîå êîëè åñòâî ñîáèðàòåëåé òîïîíèìèè, õîòÿ äàæå ïðè âûïîëíåíèè ýòîãî óñëîâèÿ ðàáîòà ðàñòÿíåòñÿ íà äîëãèå ãîäû [Ìàòâååâ, 2006, 163]. Ýòè îáñòîÿòåëüñòâà, îäíàêî, íå ïðåïÿòñòâóþò ïîëó åíèþ äîñòîâåðíîãî ðåçóëüòàòà â èññëåäîâàíèè, öåëü êîòîðîãî ñîñòîèò â âûÿâëåíèè àðåàëà ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêèõ è äðåâíåìîðäîâñêèõ ãèäðîíèìîâ Äðåâíèå ïëàñòû òîïîíèìèè ðåãèîíà Ãèäðîíèìèÿ âåðõîâèé Âîëãè è áàññåéíà Îêè èìååò ðàçíîðîäíîå ïðîèñõîæäåíèå, ïîñêîëüêó ýòà òåððèòîðèÿ ÿâëÿåòñÿ àñòüþ ðàçâåòâëåííîé ñèñòåìû âîäíûõ òðàíñïîðòíûõ ìàãèñòðàëåé. Óæå â äðåâíèå âðåìåíà Îêà áûëà ìåñòîì Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

118 8 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ñîïðèêîñíîâåíèÿ ðàçëè íûõ óðàëüñêèõ è èíäîåâðîïåéñêèõ ýòíè åñêèõ ãðóïï. Çàêîíîìåðíî, òî çäåñü âûÿâëÿåòñÿ ðÿä èíäîåâðîïåéñêèõ òîïîíèìè åñêèõ ïëàñòîâ ê íèì îòíîñèòñÿ, ïî âñåé âèäèìîñòè, ñàìî íàçâàíèå Oêà [ÝÑÐß, 3, 127], âîñõîäÿùåå, ñîãëàñíî îäíîé èç âåðñèé, ê ïðàáàëò.-ñëàâ. *akâ âîäà è äàëåå ê ôîðìå ñåâåðî-çàïàäíîãî èíäîåâðîïåéñêîãî ïðàÿçûêà *h 2 akwah 2 [Ï. Êàëëèî, óñòíàÿ èíôîðìàöèÿ], ïðîòîèíäîåâð. *h a ek w eh a [Mallory, Adams, 1997, 636]. Ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ íàçâàíèþ Îêà âñòðå àþòñÿ â Òâåðñêîé îáë., ãäå, íàïðèìåð, äîâîëüíî êðóïíûé ïðèòîê ð. Êóíüÿ â áàññåéíå Ëîâàòè íîñèò íàçâàíèå Îêà [ÀÒÎ, ]. Ñòàðûé áàëòî-ñëàâÿíñêèé ïëàñò ìîæåò áûòü ïðåäñòàâëåí òàêæå íàçâàíèÿìè ðåê Âîïü è Âîïåö â Ñìîëåíñêîé îáë. [ÀÑÎ, 82, 84] < è.-å. * ß uî#p ðåêà > ëèò., ëòø. upe, ö.- ñëàâ. *vapa [Mallory, Adams, 1997, ]. Â òîïîíèìèè ðåãèîíà âûäåëÿåòñÿ è ñîáñòâåííî áàëòèéñêèé ïëàñò, ïðåäñòàâëåííûé íàçâàíèÿìè ðåê Óïà < ëòø., ëèò. upe ðåêà è Æèçäðà < ëèò. žiezdra ãðàâèé [LAŽ, 516, 563; Vasmer, 1932, 26 27]. Ñëàâÿíñêèõ ïëàñòîâ âûäåëÿåòñÿ íåñêîëüêî; äðåâíåéøèé èç íèõ ïðåäñòàâëåí, âèäèìî, ãèäðîíèìàìè öåíòðàëüíîãî è âåðõíåãî Ïðèî üÿ, îáðàçîâàííûìè îò ñëàâÿíñêèõ àíòðîïîíèìîâ èëè îéêîíèìîâ íà -ãîù(à) < *-ãîñòü [Âàñèëüåâ, 2005, ; Àãååâà, 1989, 6 7], íàïðèìåð Âåëåãîùà, Êîòîãîù, Ñâàðèãîù ~ Ñâåðîãîùà [ÃÁÎ, 111, 172, 31]. Íàñëåäèå ñêèôîâ ïðîñëåæèâàåòñÿ, âîçìîæíî, â íàçâàíèè ïðîòåêàþùåé ïî òåððèòîðèè Ñåðïóõîâñêîãî ð-íà Ìîñêîâñêîé îáë. ðåêè Ïðîòâà (âàð. Ïîðîòâà) [ÃÁÎ, 92] < ñêèô. *porota ðåêà [Ãîðäååâ, 1990, 91], ñð. íàçâàíèå ïðèòîêà Âîëãè Ïàðàò â Ðåñïóáëèêå Ìàðèé Ýë [ÂÃ, 2002, 258]. Îñòàëüíûå ïëàñòû òîïîíèìèè ðåãèîíà ïðåäñòàâëåíû, ïî âñåé âèäèìîñòè, íàçâàíèÿìè ôèííî-óãîðñêîãî ïðîèñõîæäåíèÿ Ýòíè åñêèé ñîñòàâ ðåãèîíà ïî ñâåäåíèÿì ðóññêèõ ëåòîïèñåé Â ðóññêèõ ëåòîïèñÿõ íà òåððèòîðèè Ïðèî üÿ è âåðõîâèé Âîëãè óïîìÿíóòû ôèííî-óãîðñêèå ïëåìåíà ìåðÿ, ìóðîìà, åðåìèñ, ìîðäâà, ìåùåðà [ñì.: Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, 149, 197, 214; è äð.], à òàêæå ïëåìÿ ãîëÿäü (~ galindi), êîòîðîå Ä. Ñ. Ëèõà- åâ è Ì. Ôàñìåð îòíîñÿò ê áàëòèéñêèì [Lihatšov, 1994, 105; Vasmer, 1932, 8 32]. Èç ïåðå èñëåííûõ â ëåòîïèñÿõ ôèííî-óãîðñêèõ ïëåìåí äî ñåãîäíÿøíåãî âðåìåíè ñîõðàíèëèñü ìàðèéöû (~ åðåìèñû) è ìîðäâà, òîãäà êàê ìåðÿ, ìóðîìà è ìåùåðà áûëè ïîëíîñòüþ àññèìèëèðîâàíû ñëàâÿíàìè. Íèæå íà îñíîâå òîïîíèìè åñêèõ äàííûõ áóäóò ïðèâåäåíû äîêàçàòåëüñòâà òîãî, òî ýòè ïëåìåíà ÿâëÿëèñü ôèííî-óãîðñêèìè, î åì, âïðî åì, óæå ïèñàëè ìíîãèå èññëåäîâàòåëè [ñì.: Vasmer, ; Ïîïîâ, 1974; Ìàòâååâ, 1996, 1998, 2006; Àëüêâèñò, 1997, 2000à, 2000á; Rahkonen, 2009]. Òåððèòîðèÿ ðàññåëåíèÿ íàçâàííûõ ïëåìåí óêàçàíà â ëåòîïèñÿõ äîñòàòî íî îïðåäåëåííî. Àðõåîëîãè åñêèå èññëåäîâàíèÿ, ñî ñâîåé ñòîðîíû, âûÿâèëè îòëè- àþùèåñÿ äðóã îò äðóãà èñòîðèêî-êóëüòóðíûå çîíû, ñîâïàäàþùèå ñ ëåòîïèñíûìè äàííûìè [ñì.: Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, ]. Îòìåòèì, òî íàðÿäó ñ ïåðå èñëåí- Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

119 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ9 íûìè âûøå ýòíîñàìè â ëåòîïèñÿõ óïîìèíàåòñÿ òàêæå óäü è õîòÿ òåððèòîðèÿ ðàññåëåíèÿ ýòîãî ïëåìåíè îáîçíà åíà ðàñïëûâ àòî, ïî òîïîíèìè åñêîìó îòðàæåíèþ ýòíîíèìà ìîæíî ïðåäïîëàãàòü, òî óäü áûëà ðàññåëåíà ê çàïàäó îò ìåðè, à èìåííî íà òåððèòîðèè ñîâðåìåííûõ Òâåðñêîé è Íîâãîðîäñêîé îáë., â Ëåíèíãðàäñêîé îáë. â îêðåñòíîñòÿõ Òèõâèíà, à òàêæå íà âîñòî íîì áåðåãó óäñêîãî îçåðà â Ïñêîâñêîé îáë. [Rahkonen, 2011]. Ñóùåñòâîâàëà, êðîìå òîãî, è òàê íàçûâàåìàÿ çàâîëî ñêàÿ óäü, êîòîðóþ ñîñòàâèòåëè ëåòîïèñåé âûäåëÿëè â îñîáóþ ãðóïïó 2. òî êàñàåòñÿ ýòíîíèìà ãîëÿäü, òî åãî ðóññêàÿ ôîðìà ôîíåòè åñêè òî íî ñîîòâåòñòâóåò èçâåñòíîìó ïî èñòîðè åñêèì èñòî íèêàì áàëòèéñêîìó ýòíîíèìó galindi. Îòìå åííûé âûøå áàëòèéñêèé ãèäðîíèìè åñêèé ïëàñò òàêæå ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò î òîì, òî óòü çàïàäíåå ëèíèè Ìîñêâà Òóëà æèëî íåêîãäà äðåâíåáàëòèéñêîå íàñåëåíèå. Ïî ìíåíèþ Ì. Ãèìáóòàñ, âîñòî íàÿ ãîëÿäü ïðîæèâàëà â ãã. í. ý. â òðåóãîëüíèêå ìåæäó Ìîñêâîé, Êàëóãîé è Ñåðïóõîâûì íà âîäîðàçäåëå Îêè è Ìîñêâû [Gimbutas, 1963, 151, fig. 50]. Òàê æå îïðåäåëÿåò òåððèòîðèþ ðàññåëåíèÿ ãîëÿäè è Ì. Ôàñìåð [Vasmer, 1935, 595].  «Ïîâåñòè âðåìåííûõ ëåò» ãîëÿäü â èñëå ïëåìåí íå íàçûâàåòñÿ, îäíàêî â ýòîé ëåòîïèñè åñòü óïîìèíàíèå î âîéíå ïðîòèâ ãîëÿäè. Âîçìîæíî, â ïåðå- åíü ýòíîñîâ «Ïîâåñòè âðåìåííûõ ëåò» ãîëÿäü âîøëà ïîä èìåíåì óãðà (~ þãðà) è áûëà óïîìÿíóòà êàê ïðîæèâàþùàÿ â íåïîñðåäñòâåííîé áëèçîñòè îò áàëòèéñêèõ ïëåìåí: «Âú Àôåòîâè æå àñòè ñ±äèòü ðóñü, þäü è âñè ÿçûö±: ìåðÿ, ìóðîìà, âñü, ìîðäâà, çàâîëî üñêàÿ þäü, ïåðìü, ïå åðà, ÿìü, þãðà 3, ëèòâà, çèìèãîëà, êîðñü, ë±òüãîëà, ëèáü. Ëÿõîâ± æå, è ïðóñè è þäü ïðèñ±äÿòü ê ìîðþ Âÿðÿñêîìó» [ÏÂË]. Ýòíîíèì þãðà (~ óãðà) â äàííîì ñëó àå ìîæåò âîñõîäèòü ê íàçâàíèþ êðóïíîãî ïðèòîêà Îêè Óãðà, à íå ê óðàëüñêèì óãðàì 4. Íà òåððèòîðèè, íåêîãäà çàñåëåííîé ãîëÿäüþ â ðàéîíå Êàëóãè, Ñåðïóõîâà è Ìîñêâû, èçâåñòíû è äðóãèå ãèäðîíèìû íà Óãð-: Óãðåíñêîå, Óãðåêèí ~ Óãðåÿòîâêà, Óãðåøà, Óãðè êà, Óãðþìîâêà [ÃÁÎ, 109, 176, 88, 43, 98]. Óãðà ìîæåò áûòü òàêæå ñîîòâåòñòâèåì íàçâàíèþ Îãðå, êîòîðîå èìåíóåò êðóïíûé ïðèòîê Çàïàäíîé Äâèíû â Ëàòâèè. Ñâÿçü ìåæäó êàëóæñêîé Óãðîé è ëàòûøñêîé Îãðå ñ èòàë î åâèäíîé è Ì. Ôàñìåð [Vasmer, 1932, 23].  èñëå íàðîäîâ, âûïëà èâàþùèõ äàíü Ðóñè, â ëåòîïèñè óïîìèíàþòñÿ áàëòèéñêèå ïëåìåíà ëèòâà, çèì±ãîëà, êîðñü, íåðîìà. Ïîñëåäíåå, ïðåäïîëîæèòåëüíî, ïîëó èëî ñâîå íàèìåíîâàíèå ïî ð. Íàðåâ, ïðîòåêàþùåé â ñåâåðíîé Ïîëüøå, 2 Êðîìå òîãî, êàê íàìè óñòàíîâëåíî, íà òåððèòîðèÿõ ðàññåëåíèÿ ìåùåðû, óêàçàííûõ â ëåòîïèñÿõ è óòî íåííûõ ïî àðõåîëîãè åñêèì äàííûì, ïðîñëåæèâàåòñÿ îòäåëüíûé ïëàñò òîïîíèìèè, â îñíîâå êîòîðîãî ëåæèò íåêèé ÿçûê, îòíîñÿùèéñÿ ê ïåðìñêîé ãðóïïå [Rahkonen, 2009]. 3 Êóðñèâîì âûäåëåíû íàçâàíèÿ ïëåìåí, êîòîðûå, ïî íàøåìó ìíåíèþ, ÿâëÿëèñü áàëòèéñêèìè. 4  ÏÂË åñòü òàêæå óïîìèíàíèå îá ýòíîñå ïîä íàçâàíèåì óãðå á±ëèè (âåíãðû), ðàññåëåííîì ïîáåðåãàì Äóíàÿ. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

120 10 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ èëè ïî ëèòîâñêîé ð. Íåðèñ. Íå èñêëþ åíî, òî ê ýòîé ãðóïïå èìååò îòíîøåíèå è çàôèêñèðîâàííîå â âåðõîâüÿõ Çàïàäíîé Äâèíû íàçâàíèå ðåêè Íàðÿçûêîâî [ÀÒÎ, 237], â îñíîâå êîòîðîãî ìîæåò ëåæàòü ýòíîíèì Ìåòîäû èññëåäîâàíèÿ À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ [2001], È. È. Ìóëëîíåí [2002] è ß. Ñààðèêèâè [Saarikivi, 2007b] óæå íåîäíîêðàòíî ïèñàëè î ìåòîäàõ èçó åíèÿ ñóáñòðàòíîé òîïîíèìèè Ðîññèè. Â ñâÿçè ñ ýòèì íåîáõîäèìî ïîä åðêíóòü ïðèîðèòåòíîå çíà åíèå ðåëåâàíòíûõ ìåòîäîâ, ò. ê. â íàøåì ñëó àå îñíîâíûå âîïðîñû, êîòîðûå ñòîÿò ïåðåä èññëåäîâàòåëåì, ôîðìóëèðóþòñÿ ñëåäóþùèì îáðàçîì: êàêèå íàçâàíèÿ ìîæíî îòíåñòè ê ìîðäîâñêîé òîïîíèìèè, à êàêèå ê ìåðÿíñêîé? Íà îñíîâå êàêèõ êðèòåðèåâ âûäåëÿþòñÿ ñîîòâåòñòâóþùèå ÿçûêè? Êàêîâî èõ àðåàëüíîå ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèå? Ìîðäîâñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ â ýòîì îòíîøåíèè ïðåäñòàâëÿåòñÿ áîëåå ïðîñòîé, ïîñêîëüêó ðå ü èäåò î äîíûíå ñóùåñòâóþùåì ÿçûêå, ñ ìåðÿíñêèì æå òîïîíèìè- åñêèì íàñëåäèåì äåëî îáñòîèò ñëîæíåå. Ïðèìåðîì òîìó ñëóæàò â êîðíå îòëè- àþùèåñÿ äðóã îò äðóãà ðåçóëüòàòû èññëåäîâàíèé äâóõ çàñëóæåííûõ ó åíûõ À. Ê. Ìàòâååâà [1996; 1998] è À. Àëüêâèñò [1997; 2000à; 2000á]. À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ ñ èòàåò, òî èññëåäîâàòåëü ñóáñòðàòà äîëæåí ñîñðåäîòî èòüñÿ íà èçó åíèè ìîðôîëîãè åñêèõ çàêîíîìåðíîñòåé, êîòîðûå ìîæíî ñ èòàòü àáñîëþòíûìè è äîñòàòî íî ðåãóëÿðíûìè. Ñ åãî òî êè çðåíèÿ, ïðè àíàëèçå ñóáñòðàòíîé òîïîíèìèè íåîáõîäèìî ïðåæäå âñåãî ïðîñëåäèòü âñòðå àåìîñòü àòðèáóòîâ (òîïîîñíîâ) ñëîæíûõ íàçâàíèé, à òàêæå âûñîêîðåãóëÿðíûõ ôîðìàíòîâ è äåòåðìèíàíòîâ [Ìàòâååâ, 2001, 73 75]. È. È. Ìóëëîíåí, ñïåöèàëèçèðóþùàÿñÿ íà èçó åíèè ãèäðîíèìèè Ñâèðè, èñïîëüçóåò â êà åñòâå îäíîãî èç ìåòîäîâ èçó åíèÿ ñóáñòðàòíîé òîïîíèìèè òàê íàçûâàåìûé àðåàëüíî-òèïîëîãè åñêèé ìåòîä. Â ñâÿçè ñ ýòèì È. È. Ìóëëîíåí [2002, 183] óäåëÿåò îñîáîå âíèìàíèå ñòðóêòóðíûì îñîáåííîñòÿì òîïîíèìîâ, õîòÿ íåðåäêî ìåòîä ñâîäèòñÿ ê àíàëèçó ôîðìàíòîâ. Òàêèì îáðàçîì, âûÿâëåíèå ðåãóëÿðíûõ ìîäåëåé òîïîíèìîîáðàçîâàíèÿ è òîïîíèìè åñêîé íîìèíàöèè íåîáõîäèìî ñ èòàòü âàæíûì è â äàííîé ðàáîòå. Ýòî âîçìîæíî, â àñòíîñòè, çà ñ åò ïðèìåíåíèÿ ñåìàíòè åñêîé òèïîëîãèè òîïîíèìîâ [Saarikivi, 2007b]. Òàê, îäíèì èç ñïîñîáîâ óñòàíîâëåíèÿ ýòèìîëîãèè íà ñåìàíòèêî-òèïîëîãè åñêîé îñíîâå ÿâëÿåòñÿ ñîïîñòàâëåíèå ðåãóëÿðíûõ àòðèáóòîâ ñ ïðîòèâîïîëîæíûìè çíà åíèÿìè, íàïðèìåð áîëüøîé ìàëûé, âåðõíèé íèæíèé, åðíûé áåëûé [Ìàòâååâ, 2001, 85; Rahkonen, 2009, ]. Àâòîð äàííîãî èññëåäîâàíèÿ íà àë ðàáîòó îäíîâðåìåííî ñ äâóõ ñòîðîí: ñ îïðåäåëåíèÿ öåíòðîâ àðåàëîâ è ëèíãâèñòè åñêîãî ñîïîñòàâëåíèÿ. Ýòîò èññëåäîâàòåëüñêèé ìåòîä âîçìîæåí òîãäà, êîãäà èçó àåìûå íàçâàíèÿ ðàññìàòðèâàþòñÿ â ñîîòíåñåíèè ñ ãèäðîíèìàìè, âîçíèêøèìè â áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûõ ÿçûêàõ ñîïðåäåëüíûõ òåððèòîðèé. Â äàííîé ðàáîòå òîïîíèìèÿ ìåðÿíñêèõ çåìåëü, óñòàíîâëåííûõ Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

121 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ11 ïî àðõåîëîãè åñêèì äàííûì è ëåòîïèñíûì òåêñòàì, ñðàâíèâàåòñÿ ñ ìàðèéñêîé, ìîðäîâñêîé, ñààìñêîé 5 è ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêîé òîïîíèìèåé. Ìåæúÿçûêîâîå ñðàâíåíèå ìîæåò íîñèòü è ëåêñèêîëîãè åñêèé õàðàêòåð. Íàïðèìåð, íà òåððèòîðèè, îáîçíà åííîé â ëåòîïèñÿõ êàê ìåðÿíñêàÿ, âñòðå àþòñÿ òîïîíèìû ñ àòðèáóòàìè Óõò- è Âåêñ-, êîòîðûå íå ìîãóò áûòü ñâÿçàíû íè ñ îäíèì èç áëèæàéøèõ ÿçûêîâ. Îäíàêî ýòè àòðèáóòû ìîæíî îòíåñòè ê ôèííî-óãîðñêèì ïóòåì ïðèâëå åíèÿ ôàêòîâ äðóãèõ ðîäñòâåííûõ ÿçûêîâ: ñð. *uhta ~ õàíò. ιíιíket, ìàíñ. ååget, âåíã. ut < ïðîòîóðàë. *uktíι äîðîãà [PS, 536]; *veksa ~ êîìè vis ïðîòîê, ïðîòîïåðì. *visk [Ëûòêèí, Ãóëÿåâ, 1999, 58] < äîïðîòîïåðì. *viks. Áåçóñëîâíî, èñïîëüçîâàíèå ïîäîáíûõ àòðèáóòîâ ïðèäàåò èññëåäîâàíèþ áóëüøóþ íàó íóþ äîñòîâåðíîñòü. Ñðàâíåíèå ìîæíî ïðîâîäèòü òàêæå ïî îòíîøåíèþ ê ñòðóêòóðíûì ýëåìåíòàì òîïîíèìîâ â ýòîì ñëó àå ðå ü èäåò ïðåæäå âñåãî îá àíàëèçå ôîðìàíòîâ, íàïðèìåð ôîðìàíòà -ãäà / -õòà, çàôèêñèðîâàííîãî òîëüêî íà ìåðÿíñêîé òåððèòîðèè (ñì. íèæå). Ñðàâíåíèå ìîæåò áûòü è ôîíåòè åñêèì, êîãäà ðàññìàòðèâàþòñÿ ôîðìû èñòîðè åñêè îäíîãî è òîãî æå ñëîâà, âñòðå àþùåãîñÿ â ðàçíûõ ÿçûêàõ, íàïðèìåð, ñëîâà ñî çíà åíèåì íèæíèé : ïðîòîñààì. *vî#lå#, ìàð. ül-, ìîðä. alî, àlà-, â ìåðÿíñêîé òîïîíèìèè *vol(o)- < ïðàóðàë. *íιla- [PS, 543]. Ñ ïîìîùüþ ñðàâíèòåëüíîãî àíàëèçà òîïîíèìèè ìîæíî ñäåëàòü íåêîòîðûå âûâîäû ïî ïðîáëåìàì èñòîðè åñêîé ôîíåòèêè èçó àåìûõ ÿçûêîâ Èñòîðèÿ èçó åíèÿ âîïðîñà Ôèííî-óãîðñêîå íàñëåäèå èíòåðåñóþùåãî íàñ ðåãèîíà îòðàæåíî â öåëîì ðÿäå ðàáîò. Ýòî ìîíîãðàôèè «Ìåðÿíñêèé ÿçûê» è «Èññëåäîâàíèÿ ïî ìåðÿíñêîìó ÿçûêó» Î. Á. Òêà åíêî [1985; 2007], ñòàòüè À. È. Ïîïîâà [1974], À. Àëüêâèñò [1997; 2004], À. Ê. Ìàòâååâà [1996; 1998; 2006].  ýòèõ è íåêîòîðûõ äðóãèõ ðàáîòàõ ñòàâèëèñü äîñòàòî íî ñåðüåçíûå âîïðîñû. Òàê, ëèíãâèñò À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ è àðõåîëîã À. Å. Ëåîíòüåâ êàæäûé ñî ñâîåé ñòîðîíû ïûòàëèñü îïðåäåëèòü ãðàíèöû ìåðÿíñêîãî àðåàëà [ñì.: Ìàòâååâ, 2006, 222; Leont ev, 1996, 26], à Î. Á. Òêà åíêî ïðåäïðèíÿë îïûò ðåêîíñòðóêöèè ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà. Ýòà ïîïûòêà ñòîëêíóëàñü ñ òðóäíîñòÿìè ïî ðÿäó ïðè èí è â òîì èñëå ïîòîìó, òî ó åíûé èñïîëüçîâàë òîïîíèìû è äèàëåêòíûå ñëîâà, âñòðå àþùèåñÿ òîëüêî íà òåððèòîðèè àðåàëà, íå ïûòàÿñü ñðàâíèâàòü èõ ñ òîïîíèìèåé è ëåêñèêîé ñîïðåäåëüíûõ òåððèòîðèé.  êà åñòâå ïðèìåðà «ïðîáëåìíîé» ðåêîíñòðóêöèè Î. Á. Òêà åíêî [2007, 90] ïðèâåäåì íàçâàíèå êîñòðîìñêîé ðåêè Àíäîáà.  ñâÿçè ñ ýòèì ïðèìåðîì ñëåäóåò ïðåæäå âñåãî îòìåòèòü, òî íà îñíîâíîé òåððèòîðèè ðàññåëåíèÿ ìåðÿí â ßðîñëàâñêîé îáë. è â áàññåéíå Êëÿçüìû íå âñòðå àåòñÿ íè îäíîãî ãèäðîíèìà íà Àíä-, òîãäà êàê â áàññåéíå 5 Äðåâíèå ñààìû (ïðàñààìû) ïðîæèâàëè ìåæäó Îíåæñêèì è Áåëûì îçåðàìè, à òàêæå â áàññåéíå ð. Ñâèðü [Ìóëëîíåí, 2002, ]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

122 12 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ìîðäîâñêîé ð. Ìîêøà îòìå åí ãèäðîíèì Àíäàìñëÿé [ÃÁÎ, 258].  òî æå âðåìÿ â ßðîñëàâñêîé îáë. èçâåñòíà ð. Âîíäåëü [ÀßÎ, 91], à â áàññåéíå Êëÿçüìû ðåêè Âîíäåãà, Âîíäèíà è Âîíäþõà [ÃÁÎ, 202, 200, 221]; â Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. îòìå åíû ãèäðîíèìû Âîíä è Âîíäàíêà [ÀÊÎ, 175; 73]. Ñîïîñòàâëåíèå ýòèõ äàííûõ âåäåò ê çàêëþ åíèþ î òîì, òî èñòîðè åñêèé *a â íà àëå ñëîâà ìîã âñòðå àòüñÿ â ìåðÿíñêîì èëè áîëåå ðàííåì ÿçûêå, áûòîâàâøåì íà ìåðÿíñêîé òåððèòîðèè, ïî òèïó ñààìñêîãî *vo, ñð. ïðîòîóðàë. *iímta- > ôèííî-âîëæ. *amta- êîðìèòü > ìîðä. àíäà-, ìåðÿí. *vond(o)-, ïðîòîñààì. *vî#mtå# ïðîäàòü. Ïîäîáíûì æå îáðàçîì àòðèáóò *ala- ïðåäñòàâëåí íà ìåðÿíñêîé òåððèòîðèè â âèäå *vol(o)- (ñì. íèæå Âîëþãà). Ìîðäîâñêèé ÿçûê, ïî âñåé âèäèìîñòè, áûë ðàñïðîñòðàíåí ñåâåðíåå ìåðÿíñêîãî (ñì. êàðòó 6 íà ñ. 28) è ïðîñòèðàëñÿ îò íèçîâèé Îêè âïëîòü äî Àíäîáû, ïîýòîìó íàïðàøèâàåòñÿ âûâîä î òîì, òî íàçâàíèå Àíäîáà ïðèøëî, ñêîðåå, èç êàêîãî-òî ÿçûêà, áëèçêîãî ê ìîðäîâñêîìó, à íå èç ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà. Ðàññìîòðèì äðóãîé ïðèìåð ïðîáëåìíîé ðåêîíñòðóêöèè Î. Á. Òêà åíêî äèàëåêòíîå ñëîâî åëìàíñêèé, èçâåñòíîå íà ãàëèöêèõ çåìëÿõ Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. â çíà åíèè äðåâíåãàëèöêèé ÿçûê [Òêà åíêî, 2007, 98 99]. Ó åíûé ñïðàâåäëèâî ñâÿçûâàåò ýòî ñëîâî ñ ìàð. jt$lme ÿçûê [ÌÔÌ, 83] < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *ñälmä [PS, 546]. Äåéñòâèòåëüíî, íà óêàçàííîé òåððèòîðèè ìåðÿ ïðîæèâàëà, íî, êàê áóäåò äîêàçàíî â ñëåäóþùåì ðàçäåëå, çäåñü æèëè è ìàðèéöû. Òàêèì îáðàçîì, ðàññìàòðèâàåìûé ðóññêèé äèàëåêòèçì íåâîçìîæíî óáåäèòåëüíî ñâÿçàòü ñ ìåðÿíñêèì ÿçûêîì, ïîñêîëüêó îí â ðàâíîé ñòåïåíè ìîæåò âîñõîäèòü ê ìàðèéñêîìó. Îáà ïðèâåäåííûõ ïðèìåðà äîêàçûâàþò, òî êðàéíå âàæíûìè äëÿ ðåøåíèÿ ðàññìàòðèâàåìûõ ïðîáëåì ÿâëÿþòñÿ ñòðîãèé ó åò ôîíåòè åñêèõ çàêîíîìåðíîñòåé è ìàñøòàáíîå ìåæòåððèòîðèàëüíîå ñîïîñòàâëåíèå ÿçûêîâîãî ìàòåðèàëà. Ðàíåå áûëà âûäâèíóòà ãèïîòåçà î áëèçêîì ðîäñòâå ìåðÿíñêîãî è ìàðèéñêîãî ÿçûêîâ. Ì. Ôàñìåð ñ èòàë ýòó ñâÿçü äîñòîâåðíîé [Vasmer, 1935, 518], Ï. Ðàâèëà äâàæäû ïîäâåðã êðèòèêå åãî òî êó çðåíèÿ [Ravila, 1937; 1938], ß. Êàëèìà ñ èòàë, òî ñ îïîðîé íà ìàðèéñêèé ÿçûê òîïîíèìû ìåðÿíñêèõ òåððèòîðèé îáúÿñíèòü íåâîçìîæíî [Kalima, 1942]. À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ ðàçäåëÿë ìàðèéñêî-ìåðÿíñêóþ ãèïîòåçó [1996; 2006], à À. Àëüêâèñò [1997] âûñòóïèëà ñ êðèòèêîé åãî ìíåíèÿ íà ïðèìåðå òîïîíèìîâ ñ ôîðìàíòàìè -áîæ, -èíãèðü è -êóð(ãà). Ýòè ïðîòèâîðå èÿ, íà íàø âçãëÿä, âî ìíîãîì ñâÿçàíû ñ òåì, òî íåêîòîðûå ìàðèéñêèå ãèäðîíèìû áûëî ïðèíÿòî ñ èòàòü ìåðÿíñêèìè. Ýòî êàñàåòñÿ, íàïðèìåð, íàçâàíèé ñ êîìïîíåíòîì èíã(*)ðü (ñð. ìàð. ener, ängtß r ðåêà [ÑÌß, 10, 97]), âñòðå àþùèõñÿ â Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. è íèçîâüÿõ Îêè: Èíãåðü, Èíãðèõ [ÃÁÎ, 222, 228], Èíãàðü 1 è 2, Èíãåðü, Èíãèðü, Èíãîðü, Óõòûíãèðü [ÀÊÎ, 183, 106, 41, 131, 181, 171]. Íàçâàííûå ãèäðîíèìû èìåþò ìàðèéñêèå, à íå ìåðÿíñêèå êîðíè, íà òî, çàìåòèì, óêàçûâàë À. È. Ïîïîâ [1974, 24 25].  çàùèòó ýòîé òî êè çðåíèÿ ìû ìîæåì ïðèâåñòè ñëåäóþùèå àðãóìåíòû. 1.  öåíòðàëüíîì ìåðÿíñêîì ðåãèîíå â ßðîñëàâñêîé îáë. íå îòìå åíî íè îäíîãî íàçâàíèÿ ñ êîìïîíåíòîì èíã(*)ðü. 2. Íàëè èå ìàðèéñêîãî ñóáñòðàòà íà òåððèòîðèè Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. ïîäòâåðæäà- Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

123 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ13 åòñÿ òåì, òî çäåñü äî ñåãîäíÿøíåãî äíÿ áûòóåò æãîíñêèé ÿçûê, â îñíîâå êîòîðîãî â çíà èòåëüíîé ìåðå ëåæèò ìàðèéñêàÿ ëåêñèêà 6 [Ahlqvist, 2001, 232, 236, 246]. 3. Ìíîãèå ëåòîïèñè ñâèäåòåëüñòâóþò î òîì, òî åùå â êîíöå ñðåäíåâåêîâüÿ ìàðèéöû, èëè åðåìèñû, ïðîæèâàëè â íèçîâüÿõ Îêè [Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, 214]. 4. Íàðîäíûå ëåãåíäû, ñîáðàííûå íà áåðåãàõ ð. Óíæè, ñâèäåòåëüñòâóþò î òîì, òî â ïðîøëîì çäåñü ïðîæèâàëè åðåìèñû [Ahlqvist, 2001, , ]. 5. Î åâèäíà ñîîòíîñèìîñòü òîïîíèìèè Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. è íèçîâèé Îêè ñ ìàðèéñêîé òîïîíèìèåé (ñì. êàðòó 1). Ê ýòîìó ìîæíî äîáàâèòü, òî Ì. Ôàñìåð, õîòÿ îí è ñ èòàë ìàðèéñêèé è ìåðÿíñêèé ÿçûêè áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûìè, íà ñîñòàâëåííîé èì ìàðèéñêèå ãèäðîíèìû Êàðòà 1. Òîïîíèìèÿ, îáùàÿ äëÿ Êîñòðîìñêîé îáëàñòè, íèçîâèé Îêè è àðåàëà ðàññåëåíèÿ ìàðèéöåâ 6 Ðå ü èäåò îá óñëîâíîì ÿçûêå èçãîòîâèòåëåé âàëÿíîé îáóâè æãîíîâ, æèâóùèõ ïî áåðåãàì ð. Óíæè. Ãðàììàòèêà è ñóùåñòâåííàÿ àñòü ëåêñèêè æãîíñêîãî ÿçûêà âçÿòû èç ðóññêîãî, îäíàêî ïî òè ïîëîâèíà ñëîâ çàèìñòâîâàíà èç ìàðèéñêîãî ÿçûêà.  2000 ã. áûë âûïóùåí ñëîâàðü æãîíñêîãî ÿçûêà À. Â. Ãðîìîâà.  îñíîâå æãîíñêîãî, ïî âñåé âèäèìîñòè, ëåæèò îòäåëüíûé äèàëåêò ìàðèéñêîãî ÿçûêà, íà êîòîðîì êîãäà-òî ãîâîðèëî íàñåëåíèå, æèâøåå ê çàïàäó îò ñîâðåìåííûõ ãîðíûõ ìàðèéöåâ. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

124 14 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ýòíè åñêîé êàðòå âñå æå ïîìåñòèë äðåâíèõ ìàðèéöåâ íà òåððèòîðèþ ìåæäó ðåêàìè Êîñòðîìîé è Âÿòêîé [Vasmer, 1936]. Äëÿ ðåøåíèÿ ðàññìàòðèâàåìîãî âîïðîñà î åíü âàæíî áûëî áû ïðîèçâåñòè áîëåå ñèñòåìíîå ñðàâíåíèå êîñòðîìñêèõ è íèæíåîêñêèõ òîïîíèìîâ ñ ìàðèéñêèìè. Ìíîãèå ìàðèéñêèå ãèäðîíèìû, íàçûâàþùèå êðóïíûå ðåêè, èìåþò ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ èìåííî â íèçîâüÿõ Îêè è â Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë., ñð.: Áîëüøàÿ è Maëàÿ Êîêøàãà (ÌÝ 7 ) ~ Êîêøà â íèæíåì òå åíèè Îêè [ÃÁÎ, 263]; Èëåòü (ÌÝ, îô.) ~ (ìàð.) Ýëíåò ~ Ýëíàòü â Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. [ÀÊÎ, 99], Åëíàòü â Èâàíîâñêîé îáë. [ÀÊÎ, 153]; Íåìäà (ÌÝ) ~ Íåìäà â Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë.; Áóé (ÌÝ) ~ Áóé â Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. [ÀÊÎ, 100] 8. Ïðèâîäÿ ýòîò ðÿä, ìû íå óòâåðæäàåì, òî äàííûå òîïîíèìû âîñõîäÿò ê ìàðèéñêîìó ÿçûêó, îíè ìîãóò áûòü òàê íàçûâàåìûìè ïåðåíåñåííûìè íàçâàíèÿìè, êîòîðûå íîâîïîñåëåíöû ïðèíåñëè ñ òåððèòîðèé ïðåæíåãî ïðîæèâàíèÿ íà ìàðèéñêîé çåìëå. Êîñòðîìñêîå íàçâàíèå Áóé ìîæåò èìåòü è ðóññêîå ïðîèñõîæäåíèå íàïðèìåð, îò áóé äèêèé èëè áóé ïîãîñò [ÝÑÐß, 1, 234]. Â òî æå âðåìÿ íàçâàíèå ð. Áóé, ïðîòåêàþùåé ïî ìàðèéñêîé çåìëå, íà ÿçûêå ìàðèéöåâ çâó- èò êàê Ïó Âÿä (Pu vüd) [ÂÃ, 47] áóêâ. «Äåðåâÿííàÿ âîäà» èëè «Äðîâÿíàÿ âîäà» [ÑÌß, 5, 289], òî ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò î íåðóññêîì ïðîèñõîæäåíèè ãèäðîíèìà. Îñíîâàíèåì íîìèíàöèè â äàííîì ñëó àå ìîãëî ïîñëóæèòü íàëè èå â îêðåñòíîñòÿõ ðåêè îáøèðíîãî ëåñíîãî ìàññèâà, ïðèãîäíîãî äëÿ çàãîòîâêè äðîâ. Äëÿ ñðàâíåíèÿ ïîäîáíûå ãèäðîíèìû èçâåñòíû â Ôèíëÿíäèè: Puujoki (áóêâ. «Äåðåâÿííàÿ ðåêà»), äàâøàÿ íàçâàíèå ïîñåëåíèþ Puujaa, à òàêæå Puujärvi (áóêâ. «Äåðåâÿííîå îçåðî») è Hàlkjärvi (áóêâ. «Äðîâÿíîå îçåðî») [GT, 43, 21, 30]. Îïèðàÿñü íà ãèïîòåçó î áëèçêîì ðîäñòâå ìåðÿíñêîãî è ìàðèéñêîãî ÿçûêîâ, À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ îòíîñèò ãèäðîíèìèþ ð. Óñòüÿ â áàññåéíå Âàãè (þæíàÿ àñòü Àðõàíãåëüñêîé îáë.) ê ìåðÿíñêîé è ñðàâíèâàåò åå ñ ìàðèéñêîé [Ìàòâååâ, 2006, 145]. Òåì ñàìûì èññëåäîâàòåëü ïðè èñëÿåò ðÿä ñëîâ ìàðèéñêîãî ÿçûêà ê ìåðÿíñêèì è íå ïðèíèìàåò âî âíèìàíèå èñòî ìåðÿíñêèå íàçâàíèÿ. Â êà åñòâå âîçðàæåíèé ïðîòèâ òî êè çðåíèÿ À. Ê. Ìàòâååâà ìîæíî ïðèâåñòè ñëåäóþùåå. Âî-ïåðâûõ, íà îáîçíà åííîé òåððèòîðèè îòìå åí âàðèàíò íàçâàíèÿ êðóïíîé ìàðèéñêîé ðåêè Êîêøàãà ãèäðîíèì Êîêøåíüãà, êîòîðûé ìîæíî ñ èòàòü ïåðåíåñåííûì ìàðèéñêèì òîïîíèìîì. Âî-âòîðûõ, íåïîäàëåêó ïðîòåêàåò ð. Ïîðøà (ïðèòîê Ñóõîíû), íàçâàíèå êîòîðîé ìîæåò ñîäåðæàòü èñïîëüçóåìûé â óäìóðòñêîì è ðÿäå äðóãèõ ÿçûêîâ ýòíîíèì ïîð ìàðèåö [ñì., íàïðèìåð: Ãîðäååâ, 1990, 93 94]. (Ãèäðîôîðìàíò -øà â öåíòðàëüíûõ è ñåâåðíûõ îáëàñòÿõ Ðîññèè î åíü ïðîäóêòèâåí). Â-òðåòüèõ, ð. Ïå åíüãà (< ìåðÿí. *peèe ñîñíà ; ñì. êàðòó 11) íà ñòàðûõ êàðòàõ [Bleau, Gerritz; 1614 ã.] îáîçíà åíà êàê Pentse ga < *Ïåí åãà. Âîçìîæíî, ýòîò âàðèàíò ïðîèñõîäèò îò ìàð. pünèö ñîñíà ; òåì ñàìûì ñòàíîâèòñÿ î åâèäíûì, òî ó äàííîãî ãèäðîíèìà åñòü è ìàðèéñêèé, è ìåðÿíñêèé âàðèàíòû. Â- åòâåðòûõ, â íå- 7 ÌÝ Ðåñïóáëèêà Ìàðèé Ýë. 8 Ññûëêè íà íåêîòîðûå èç ïåðå èñëåííûõ íàçâàíèé âñòðå àþòñÿ è ó À. Àëüêâèñò [2001, ]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

125 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ15 êîòîðîì îòäàëåíèè îò ð. Óñòüÿ, ê âîñòîêó îò îç. Âîæå, òå åò ð. Èêñîìà, íàçâàíèå êîòîðîé ïðîèñõîäèò îò ìàð. iksá ïðîëèâ ; ñð. íàçâàíèå ð. Èêñà íà Âåðòëóãå. Ê òîìó æå àðõåîëîãè åñêèå äàííûå ñâèäåòåëüñòâóþò î òîì, òî íà àëî ïåðèîäà îñâîåíèÿ Ðóññêîãî Ñåâåðà ñëàâÿíñêèì íàñåëåíèåì ñîïðîâîæäàëîñü êóëüòóðíûì âëèÿíèåì êàê ñ «êîñòðîìñêîé» Âîëãè, òàê è ñ ìàðèéñêîé âåðòëóãî-âÿòñêîé èñòîðèêîêóëüòóðíîé òåððèòîðèè, êîòîðîå ðàñïðîñòðàíÿëîñü âïëîòü äî âîäîðàçäåëà Âåðõíåé Âàãè è öåíòðàëüíîé Ñóõîíû, âêëþ àÿ áàññåéí Óñòüè [Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, ]. òî æå êàñàåòñÿ ñîáñòâåííî ìåðÿíñêèõ íàçâàíèé áàññåéíà Óñòüè, òî, íà íàø âçãëÿä, ïî êðàéíåé ìåðå èìåíà äâóõ åå ïðèòîêîâ èìåþò ìåðÿíñêîå ïðîèñõîæäåíèå: Âîëþãà «Íèæíÿÿ ðåêà» è Âåðþãà «Âåðõíÿÿ ðåêà».  îñíîâå ýòèõ íàçâàíèé ëåæàò ñëîâà ÿçûêà, áûòîâàâøåãî íåêîãäà íà ìåðÿíñêîé çåìëå: *vol(o) íèæíèé [Rahkonen, 2009, 172] è *ver(e) âåðõíèé.  òîïîíèìèè ßðîñëàâñêîé, Âëàäèìèðñêîé è Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë. âñòðå àåòñÿ ìíîæåñòâî íàçâàíèé ñ àòðèáóòîì ver(e)-, íàïðèìåð, Âåðæà [ÃÁÎ, 210], Âåðåêñà [ÀßÎ, 57], Âåðåìåâêà (< *Âåðåìà), Âåðåíà, Âåðæåíêà (< *Âåðæà), Âåðáóøêà [ÀÊÎ, 173, 197, 184, 186] ñ ãåîãðàôè åñêîé òî êè çðåíèÿ ýòè îáúåêòû äåéñòâèòåëüíî ÿâëÿþòñÿ âåðõíèìè. Ñëåäóåò îòìåòèòü, òî ñëîâî *vere èìååò ñâÿçü íå ñ ìàðèéñêèì, à ñ ìîðäîâñêèì ÿçûêîì: ñð. ìàð. ümbal 9, ìîðä. veà- âåðõíèé. Àòðèáóò *vol(o) íèæíèé, âñòðå àþùèéñÿ íà ìåðÿíñêèõ òåððèòîðèÿõ, äàæå ôîíåòè åñêè äàëåê îò ìàð. ül- < ïðîòîóðàë. *ιíla íèæíèé [PS, 536] ýòî ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò î òîì, òî ìåðÿíñêèé è ìàðèéñêèé ÿçûêè íå ÿâëÿþòñÿ â ïîëíîé ìåðå áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûìè. Ãèïîòåòè åñêè ìîæíî äîïóñòèòü, òî ìåðÿí. *vol(o), êàê è ïðîòîñààì. *vî#lå#, âîñõîäèò ê ôèííî-âîëæ. *ala, ê êîòîðîìó, îäíàêî, ìàð. ül- âîçâåñòè íåâîçìîæíî. 2. Ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêàÿ ãèäðîíèìèÿ 2.1. Ìåðÿíñêèé ÿçûê è ìåðÿíñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ  äàííîì ðàçäåëå ïðåäëàãàþòñÿ ýòèìîëîãè åñêèå ðåêîíñòðóêöèè ìåðÿíñêèõ ãèäðîíèìîâ, êîòîðûå ñîñðåäîòî åíû â óêàçàííûõ ëåòîïèñÿìè ìåðÿíñêèõ çåìëÿõ: íà òåððèòîðèè Ñðåäíåé Êëÿçüìû è êðóïíûõ îçåð íûíåøíåé ßðîñëàâñêîé îáëàñòè. Êîñòðîìñêèå ãèäðîíèìû ïðèíÿòû íàìè âî âíèìàíèå òîëüêî â òåõ ñëó àÿõ, åñëè ó íèõ åñòü ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ â îñíîâíîì (ÿðîñëàâñêîì) àðåàëå ðàññåëåíèÿ ìåðÿí. Ïðèâëåêàåìûå ê àíàëèçó íàçâàíèÿ ýòèìîëîãèçèðóþòñÿ, ñ îäíîé ñòîðîíû, íà îñíîâå òîïîãðàôè åñêèõ äàííûõ, ñ äðóãîé ñòîðîíû íà îñíîâå î åâèäíîé ñâÿçè òîïîíèìè åñêèõ êîìïîíåíòîâ ñ äðåâíèì, àùå âñåãî ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðìñêèì 9 Âîçìîæíî, â ìàðèéñêîì ÿçûêå áûëî ñëîâî *il- âåðõíèé, ñð. çàìåíó *ü > i â íà àëå ñëîâà: íàïðèìåð, ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *ükti > ìàð. ikte îäèí [PS, 552].  ìàðèéñêîé òîïîíèìèè îòìå åíû òàêèå íàçâàíèÿ, êàê Èëåìøà (áàññ. Âåðòëóãè) è Èëèâÿä, áóêâ. «Âåðõíÿÿ âîäà» (?) [ÂÃ, 2002, 90], êîòîðûå ìîãóò îòðàæàòü ðàííþþ ëåêñèêó. Àíàëîãè íîå *il(e) âñòðå àåòñÿ è â ìåðÿíîìóðîìñêîé òîïîíèìèè [Rahkonen, 2009, ]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

126 16 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ïëàñòîì ïðàÿçûêà. Êàê óïîìèíàëîñü âûøå (ñì. 1.2), â èíòåðåñóþùåì íàñ ðåãèîíå ñóùåñòâóþò òîïîíèìû íåìåðÿíñêîãî ïðîèñõîæäåíèÿ, ïîýòîìó ñëåäóåò îáîçíà- èòü ïðèíöèïû îòáîðà ìàòåðèàëà. Ê ìåðÿíñêèì ìû îòíîñèì íàçâàíèÿ â ñëåäóþùèõ ñëó àÿõ: 1) åñëè öåíòð àðåàëà äàííîãî òèïà íàçâàíèé íàõîäèòñÿ íà òåððèòîðèè, êîòîðàÿ ïî ëåòîïèñÿì ÿâëÿåòñÿ ìåðÿíñêîé; 2) åñëè íàçâàíèÿ íåðåäêî âñòðå- àþòñÿ íà óêàçàííîé òåððèòîðèè; 3) åñëè àòðèáóòû è ôîðìàíòû òîïîíèìîâ íåëüçÿ ñîîòíåñòè ñ äðóãèìè ôèííî-óãîðñêèìè ÿçûêàìè (ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèìè, ìàðèéñêèì, ìîðäîâñêèì, ïðîòîñààìñêèì, ïåðìñêèì). Ñ ó åòîì âñåãî âûøåñêàçàííîãî ðàññìîòðèì, êàêèå îñîáåííîñòè ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà ïðîñëåæèâàþòñÿ ïî äàííûì òîïîíèìèè. Ïî ýòèì äàííûì òðóäíî îïðåäåëèòü, èìåëèñü ëè â ìåðÿíñêîì ÿçûêå õàðàêòåðíûå äëÿ ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðìñêîãî ïðàÿçûêà ñèáèëÿíòû š, œ, s è àôôðèêàòû è, æ, òàê êàê çâóêîâàÿ ñóáñòèòóöèÿ ðóññêîãî ÿçûêà íå âñåãäà ïîçâîëÿåò ýòî âûÿâèòü. Îäíàêî åñëè íàçâàíèÿ íà Òîì- (< ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *d oomi) ñîîòíîñèìû ñ ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèìè òîïîíèìàìè íà Tuomi- (ôèí. tuomi åðåìóõà ), òî ìîæíî çàêëþ- èòü, òî â ìåðÿíñêîì ÿçûêå, êàê è â ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèõ, èñòîðè åñêèé *ä ïåðåøåë â t, à íå â l (ñð. ìîðä. l om, ìàð. lombo, óäì. l eím-pu åðåìóõà ) 10. Ïî âåðñèè Î. Á. Òêà åíêî [1985, 43 60], â ìåðÿíñêîì ÿçûêå èìåëèñü ñëåäóþùèå ãëàñíûå: a, e, i, o, u, ä, ü, ö, t$, t.  òî æå âðåìÿ, êàê îòìå àëîñü âûøå (ñì. 1.5), èñïîëüçîâàííûå Î. Á. Òêà åíêî îñíîâàíèÿ ðåêîíñòðóêöèè íåîáõîäèìî âîñïðèíèìàòü êðèòè åñêè. Ìåðÿíñêàÿ ëåêñèêà áîëüøåé àñòüþ áûëà âîññòàíîâëåíà èì ïî ìàòåðèàëàì, ñîáðàííûì íà òåððèòîðèè Êîñòðîìñêîé îáë., òî íå ïîçâîëÿåò îïðåäåëèòü, èìåþò ëè ðàññìàòðèâàåìûå òîïîíèìû è äèàëåêòèçìû ñîáñòâåííî ìåðÿíñêîå ïðîèñõîæäåíèå. Ïî ýòîé æå ïðè èíå âûçûâàåò ñîìíåíèÿ ìàòåðèàë ñ òåððèòîðèè Âîëîãîäñêîé îáë., è äàæå îáøèðíûå äàííûå, ñîáðàííûå Î. Á. Òêà- åíêî â ðàéîíå Óãëè à (ßðîñëàâñêàÿ îáë.), íåëüçÿ áåçîãëÿäíî èñïîëüçîâàòü â êà- åñòâå «ìåðÿíñêèõ» ìàðêåðîâ, ò. ê. Óãëè íàõîäèòñÿ íà ãðàíèöå èñòîðè åñêîãî ðàññåëåíèÿ ìåðè è íîâãîðîäñêî-òâåðñêîé óäè [Rahkonen, 2011].  ñâÿçè ñ ïîñëåäíèì îáñòîÿòåëüñòâîì âàæíû àðõåîëîãè åñêèå ñâèäåòåëüñòâà, ñîãëàñíî êîòîðûì óãëè ñêèå çîîìîðôíûå óêðàøåíèÿ (IX XIII ââ.) íå ñîâïàäàþò ñ íàñòîÿùèìè ìåðÿíñêèìè [Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, ]. Íàèáîëåå çíà èìàÿ, ïî íàøåìó ìíåíèþ, èííîâàöèÿ, ñâÿçàííàÿ ñ ñèñòåìîé ãëàñíûõ ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà, çàêëþ àåòñÿ â òîì, òî â íà àëå ñëîâà èñòîðè åñêèé ôèííî-âîëæ. *a > vo, à â ñåðåäèíå ñëîâà *a > o (ïî òèïó ñààìñêîãî ÿçûêà, ñð. ïðîòîñààì. vç, Ç) 11. Âïðî åì, èäåàëüíî ñòðîãèé ôîíåòè åñêèé àíàëèç â ýòîì ñëó- 10 Î. Á. Òêà åíêî ñâÿçûâàë ìåðÿí. *toma ñ ôèí. tammi äóá [Òêà åíêî, 1985, 46].  ñëó àå òàêîé ðåêîíñòðóêöèè ïðîáëåìíîé ñòàíîâèòñÿ ðàñïðîñòðàíåííàÿ â ßðîñëàâñêîé îáë. òîïîíèìèÿ ñ àòðèáóòîì Òóì-, íà îñíîâå êîòîðîãî ìîæíî ðåêîíñòðóèðîâàòü ìåðÿí. *tumv (~ ôèí. tammi äóá ) < ïðîòîóðàë. *tuma. 11 Âîçíèêíîâåíèå ïðîòåòè åñêîãî v íà ðóññêîé ïî âå ñîìíèòåëüíî, ïîñêîëüêó â ðóññêîì ÿçûêå ïðîòåòè åñêèé v íå ÿâëÿåòñÿ çàêîíîìåðíûì.  òî æå âðåìÿ âàðèàíòîâ óêàçàííûõ ñëîâ íà a- èëè Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

127 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ17 àå ïðîâåñòè î åíü òðóäíî, ïîñêîëüêó ðå ü ìîæåò èäòè òàêæå î *vo è *O, òî ìîæíî áûëî áû ïîäêðåïèòü âàðèàíòàìè -pal / -pol äåðåâíÿ <? *pîl 12. Èíà å ñêëàäûâàåòñÿ óáåæäåíèå, òî ìåðÿíñêèå ãëàñíûå, çà èñêëþ åíèåì âîçìîæíîãî ïåðåõîäà *ü > *i, ñîõðàíèëèñü â ñâîåé ôèííî-ïåðìñêîé ïðàÿçûêîâîé ôîðìå ïî òèïó ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèõ ÿçûêîâ. Íåóñòîé èâîñòü ãëàñíîãî âòîðîãî ñëîãà (o // e // u, ñð. ßõðåíêà ~ ßõðîíêà [ÃÁÎ, 210], ßõðóñò [ÀÊÎ, 152]) ïðè îäèíàêîâîì àòðèáóòèâíîì ýëåìåíòå óêàçûâàåò íà ðåäóöèðîâàííûé õàðàêòåð ãëàñíîãîïðîòîòèïà (tß, t), òî ïðåäïîëàãàë è Î. Á. Òêà åíêî [1985, 60]. Âåðîÿòíî, îòðàæåííàÿ â íàçâàíèÿõ íåóñòîé èâîñòü ãëàñíîãî ñâÿçàíà ñ òåì, òî â ðóññêîì ÿçûêå äëÿ íåãî íå íàøëîñü òî íîãî çâóêîâîãî àíàëîãà. Áåçóñëîâíî, â íàøåì ðàñïîðÿæåíèè èìååòñÿ ñëèøêîì ìàëî òîïîíèìè åñêîãî ìàòåðèàëà è íàäåæíûõ ýòèìîëîãè åñêèõ äàííûõ äëÿ òîãî, òîáû íàéòè äîñòîâåðíûå ôîíåòè åñêèå ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ ìåæäó ÿçûêîì îñíîâíûõ ìåðÿíñêèõ çåìåëü è äðóãèìè ôèííî-óãîðñêèìè ÿçûêàìè. Îäíàêî íà îñíîâå òîïîíèìè åñêèõ ôàêòîâ â îáëàñòè ãëàñíûõ ñ îïðåäåëåííîé îñòîðîæíîñòüþ âîçìîæíî ïðåäïîëàãàòü ñëåäóþùèå çâóêîâûå ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ. 1. Ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì.*åí > ôèííî-âîëæ. *a > ìåðÿí. *vo (? *vo) â íà àëå ñëîâà è *o (? *O) â ñåðåäèíå ñëîâà Ìåðÿí. *vol(o) íèç ~ ìîðä. alo, ala < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *åíla [PS, 536]: Âîëåøêà ~ Âîëèøêà ~ Âîëîøêà ~ Âîëþøêà, Âîëîêøà, Âîëîëøêà, Âîëøà, Âîëüøà [ÃÁÎ, 207, 196, 195, 262, 270, 249, 217], Âîëèíêà, Âîëîøêà, Âîëüøà, Âîëÿ [ÀßÎ, 107, 60, 24, 32], Âîëìà, Âîëìàíãà, Âîëìûø, Âîëîìøà, Âîëüìà [ÀÊÎ, 58, 84, 48, 43, 155, 31]. Ìåðÿí. *vond(o)- êîðìèòü ~ ìîðä. *anda < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *åímta: Âîíäåëü [ÀßÎ, 91], Âîíäåãà ~ Âîíäîãà, Âîíäèíà, Âîíäþõà [ÃÁÎ, 202, 200, 221], Âîíä, Âîíäàíêà [ÀÊÎ, 175; 73]. Ìåðÿí. *volg(o) áåëûé < ôèííî-âîëæ. *walka [UEW, 554]: Âîëãàíü, Âîëãîìà, Âîëãóøà [ÃÁÎ, 127, 272, 211]. Ìåðÿí. *kol(o) ðûáà < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *kala [PS, 538]: Êîëàêøà ~ Êîëîêøà, Êîëîøà [ÃÁÎ, 210á, 218], Êîëîêøà, Êîëû [ÀßÎ, 48, 36], Êîëîõòà, Êîëþãà [ÀÊÎ, 36, 121]. 2. Ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *e ~ ìåðÿí. *e Ìåðÿí. *peèe ñîñíà ~ ìîðä. pièe < ïðîòîô.-ïåðì. *peèä [PS, 553]: Ïå åãà ~ Ïå óãà, Ïå åíêà, Ïå åõðà, Ïå êóð ~ Ïå óðà, Ïå êóðà ~ Ïå óðêà, Ïå óðêà, Ïå óðñêàÿ [ÃÁÎ, 215, 195, 226, 220, 223, 201, 237], Ïå åâêà, Ïå åãäà, Ïå åðäà, Ïå óãà [ÀßÎ, 17, 64, 110, 10, 41], Ïå åëäà, Ïå åíãà, Ïå åðäà, Ïå ûíãèðü [ÀÊÎ, 130, 50, 83, 172]. o- â íà àëå ñëîâà íå òåððèòîðèÿõ, îòíåñåííûõ â ëåòîïèñÿõ ê ìåðÿíñêèì, íå âñòðå àåòñÿ, òàê òî ðå ü èäåò î çàêîíîìåðíîì ÿâëåíèè. Ïîýòîìó íàèëó øåå îáúÿñíåíèå çàêëþ àåòñÿ â òîì, òî íà àëüíûé v ïðåäñòàâëÿë ñîáîé îñîáåííîñòü ñóáñòðàòíîãî ÿçûêà. 12 Åñòü ìíîãî äðóãèõ íàðèöàòåëüíûõ ñëîâ è òîïîíèìîâ ñ âàðüèðîâàíèåì a // o, íàïðèìåð Kal- / Kol- ðûáà, Par- / Por- õîðîøèé è äð. Îäíèì èç îáúÿñíåíèé ýòîãî ÿâëåíèÿ ìîæåò ñ èòàòüñÿ ñðåäíåðóññêîå àêàíüå. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

128 18 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ 3. Ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *i ~ ìåðÿí. *i Ìåðÿí. *kiâv êàìåíü ~ ìîðä. kev [SSA, 1, 378] < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *kivi [PS, 543]: Êèáåëüøà, Êèáåíñêîé ~ Êèáåíü, Êèâåðåâêà [ÃÁÎ, 173, 77, 98], Êèáîæà [ÀßÎ, 71], Êèáàäà [ÀÊÎ, 26; ÀÂÎ, 80], Êèáåðäîâî [ÀÒÎ, 60]. Ìåðÿí. *simv åðíûé < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *siimv ðæàâ èíà [PS, 553]: Ñèìàíãà, Ñèìàõà, Ñèìåðèö, Ñèìèãà, Ñèìèíêà [ÃÁÎ, 196, 209, 233, 211, 216], Ñèìêà [ÀßÎ, 117]. 4. Ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *o ~ ìåðÿí. *o Ìåðÿí. *joãv ðåêà < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *joka / *juka [PS, 537] (> ðóñ. *-éîãà > -îãà): Âàëîãà, Âàíäîãà ~ Âîíäåãà ~ Âîíäîãà, Âåëîãà, Âèæåãà ~ Âèæîãà, Ëîíäîãà, Ìóðìîãà ~ Ìóðíîãà, Óãóìîãè, Óíîãà, Øàðíîãà ~ Øîðíåãà ~ Øîðíîãà, Øîðäîãà [ÃÁÎ, 140, 202, 106, 194, 221, 208, 225, 198, 205], Ëûñòîãà, Ñèíîãà, Ñóíîãà, Óäîãà [ÀßÎ, 41, 83, 48, 25], Ëîíäîãà, Ëîõòîãà, Íîäîãà [ÀÊÎ, 182, 23, 171]. Ìåðÿí. *poj îñèíà?; îëüõà? < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *poji [PS, 553]: Ïîéêà [ÃÁÎ, 263], Ïîéãà [ÀßÎ, 72], Ïîåæ, Ïîéãèíà [ÀÊÎ, 160, 46]. 5. Ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *u ~ ì å ð ÿ í. *u / (èñêëþ åíèå) *o Ìåðÿí. *u tv âîëîê, ïåðåøååê < ïðîòîô.-óã. *ukti ïóòü, äîðîãà [PS, 536]: Óõòîìà, Óõòîõìà, Óêòîìà [ÃÁÎ, 214, 219, 215], Óõòàíêà, Óõòà-Òîðæîê, Óõòîìà (Ñîãîæà), Óõòîìà (Íåðëü) [ÀßÎ, 66, 60, 20, 102], Óõòûíãèðü [ÀÊÎ, 171], *Óõòóáóæ [Ahlqvist, 2001, 238]. Ìåðÿí. *sula òàëûé ~ ìîðä. sola < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *sula [PS, 548]: Ñóëàêñëÿé, Ñóëåìà, Ñóëîòü [ÃÁÎ, 258, 135, 202], Ñóëàòü [ÀßÎ, 112].? Ìåðÿí. *molo- ïåðåõîäèòü ñ îäíîãî ìåñòà íà äðóãîå ~ ýðç. mol ems, ìîêø. mol t ms èäòè, øàãàòü, äâèãàòüñÿ < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *muli- ïðîõîäèòü ìèìî [PS, 546]: Ìîëîãà (ßðîñë., Òâåð.), Ìîëîìà (Êèð., Âîëîã.), Ìîëîêøà (ßðîñë.), Ìîëîíãà (Âîëîã.), Ìîëîê à (Ìîñê.). 6. Ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *ü ~ ìåðÿí. *i /? ü Ìåðÿí. *ile (*ülä?) âåðõ ~ ìîðä. vel- < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *üli [PS, 536]: Èëåìëü, Èëèíäà ~ Èëåìíà ~ Èëåìêà, Èëåíäà, Èëèìäèíà, Èëîòü, Èëåìåíêà, Èëäàåâêà [ÃÁÎ, 70, 193, 228, 269, 96, 95, 222], Èëüä [ÀßÎ, 58], Èëåçåì [ÀÊÎ, 84]. 7.? Ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *ä ~ ìåðÿí. *ä Ìåðÿí. *jänkä áîëîòî (â òîïîíèìèè ßíã-) < ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *jänkä [PS, 543]: ßíãîðà, ßíãîñîðõà [ÀßÎ, 17, 9], ßíãà [ÀÊÎ, 112]. Ìåðÿí. *jäãra / *jäãrä îçåðî (â òîïîíèìèè ßõð-) < ôèííî-âîëæ. *jäkrä < ïðàèíäîåâð. *ieu9hr- [Rahkonen, 2011]: ßõðåí, ßõðèíêà, ßõðåíêà ~ ßõðîìêà [ÃÁÎ, 208, 219, 210], ßõðîáîëüñêîå îçåðî, ßõðîìèíî [ÀßÎ, 81, 97], ßõðà, ßõðåíêà, ßõðîíêà, ßõðóñò [ÀÊÎ, 201, 129, 158, 152]. Ôèííî-óãîðñêèé ïðîòîòèï ðóñ. ÿ òî íî îïðåäåëèòü òðóäíî: ýòî ìîæåò áûòü *ja, *jä èëè *ä. Òåì íå ìåíåå, â ïðèâåäåííûõ âûøå ïðèìåðàõ ìåðÿíñêèå ãëàñíûå â íà àëå ñëîâà âîñõîäÿò ê *jä. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

129 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠÀòðèáóòû ãåîãðàôè åñêèå òåðìèíû Òåððèòîðèþ ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà ìîæíî ïîïûòàòüñÿ îïðåäåëèòü íà îñíîâå ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ òîïîãðàôè åñêè âûâåðåííûõ ãèäðîíèìè åñêèõ òåðìèíîâ. Íà ìåðÿíñêèõ çåìëÿõ, î åð åííûõ âûøå, âñòðå àþòñÿ ñëåäóþùèå îñíîâû, âîñõîäÿùèå ê ëàíäøàôòíûì òåðìèíàì (âñå îíè áåç èñêëþ åíèÿ ïîääàþòñÿ òîïîãðàôè- åñêîé ïðîâåðêå). 1. Ìåðÿí. *veksa ïðîòîêà ìåæäó äâóìÿ áîëåå êðóïíûìè âîäîåìàìè [ñì.: Ìàòâååâ, 2006, 157; Ìóëëîíåí, 2002, ; Àëüêâèñò, 1997, 26]; ñð. êîìè vis ïðîòîêà [Àôàíàñüåâ, 1996, 191] < ïðîòîïåðì. *visk- [Ëûòêèí, Ãóëÿåâ, 1999, 58]. 2. Ìåðÿí. *u ta ïåðåøååê, âîëîê [ñì.: Ìóëëîíåí, 2002, ; Helimski, 2006, ]; ñð. ïðîòîô.-óã. *ukti òðîïà, äîðîãà > õàíò. *ååget [PS, 536]. 3. Ìåðÿí. *ja rv (*jäãrä / *jä rä) îçåðî [Ìàòâååâ, 2006, 146; Ahlqvist, 2006, 14]. 4. Ìåðÿí. *molo- (ìàãèñòðàëüíàÿ) ðåêà, ñîåäèíÿþùàÿ äâà âîäîåìà ; ñð. ïðîòîô.-óã. *muli- ïðîõîäèòü ìèìî [PS, 546] > ýðç. mol ems, ìîêø. mol? ms èäòè, øàãàòü, äâèãàòüñÿ [MW, 2, 1276]. Ðåêè íà Ìîëî-: Ìîëîãà (ßðîñë., Òâåð.) ðåêà, ïðîòåêàþùàÿ îò Âîëãè ê ð. Ìñòà åðåç âîäîðàçäåë ìåæäó îçåðàìè Êåçàäðà è Íàâîëîê; Ìîëîìà (Êèð., Âîëîã.) ðåêà, ñîåäèíÿþùàÿ Âÿòêó è áàññåéí Ñåâåðíîé Äâèíû; Ìîëîêøà (ßðîñë.) ðåêà, ñîåäèíÿþùàÿ Âîëãó è Þõîòü ñ áàññåéíîì îç. Íåðî; Ìîëîíãà (Âîëîã.) ðåêà, ñîåäèíÿþùàÿ Ñóõîíó è Òîëøìó; Ìîëîê à (Ìîñê.) ðåêà, ñîåäèíÿþùàÿ ðåêè Êëÿçüìà, Äóáíà è Âîëãà. Ïðèâåäåííûå âûøå ãåîãðàôè åñêèå òåðìèíû îáðàçóþò ïÿòü àðåàëîâ: 1) ðîñòîâñêî-êîñòðîìñêîé 13, 2) ìóðîìñêèé, 3) äüÿêîâñêèé èñòîðèêî-êóëüòóðíûé 14, 4) ñåâåðíûé îçåðíûé êðàé, 5) ñåâåðíàÿ ïåðèôåðèÿ (ñì. êàðòó 2).  ìóðîìñêîì àðåàëå îòìå àþòñÿ òîïîíèìè åñêèå âàðèàíòû Óõò- / Âîõò-, à â ñåâåðíîì îçåðíîì êðàå îñíîâà Óôò-; â ìóðîìñêîì àðåàëå âàðèàíòîì òåðìèíà âåêñà 15 ÿâëÿåòñÿ âûêñà.  öåëîì ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèå ðàññìîòðåííûõ àòðèáóòîâ ñîîòâåòñòâóåò î åð åííîìó À. Ê. Ìàòâååâûì ìåðÿíñêîìó àðåàëó [Ìàòâååâ, 2006, 222, êàðòà 5]. Ïÿòûé èç íàçâàííûõ àðåàëîâ ðàñïîëàãàåòñÿ â ðàéîíå Îíåæñêîãî îçåðà è ðåê Îíåãà è Ñâèðü.  îñíîâàõ íàçâàíèé çäåñü âñòðå àþòñÿ äîâîëüíî ðåäêèå âàðèàíòû (ÿãð-, âèêñ- / âèêø-, îõò- / âîõò-), îäíàêî íåñîìíåííî, òî ýòè àòðèáóòû, èìåþùèå çíà åíèÿ îçåðî (ÿãð-), ïðîòîêà (âèêñ- / âèêø-) è ïåðåøååê (îõò- / âîõò-), 13 Öåíòðàëüíûé èñòîðè åñêèé ìåðÿíñêèé àðåàë. 14 Äüÿêîâñêàÿ êóëüòóðà êóëüòóðà ðàííåãî æåëåçíîãî âåêà, öåíòð êîòîðîé íàõîäèëñÿ ãäå-òî â ðàéîíå ñîâðåìåííîé Ìîñêâû, ñóùåñòâîâàëà ïðèìåðíî ñ 800 ã. äî í. ý. ïî 200 ã. í. ý. (ñì. êàðòó 5). Çà íåé ñëåäîâàëà òàê íàçûâàåìàÿ ïîçäíåäüÿêîâñêàÿ êóëüòóðà, ñóùåñòâîâàâøàÿ âïëîòü äî 700 ã. í. ý. [Òðåòüÿêîâ, 1966, ; Patrushev, 2000, ]. 15 Âèäèìî, ïîä âëèÿíèåì ðóññêîãî ÿçûêà å â óäàðíîé ïîçèöèè â íà àëå ñëîâà ïåðåøåë â : *âåêñè > â êñà. Ãëàñíûì âòîðîãî ñëîãà áûë i, åñëè ñóäèòü ïî ñîîòâåòñòâóþùèì òîïîíèìàì Ôèíëÿíäèè è Êàðåëèè (Vieksi nki, Viiksi). Ïîñêîëüêó â ðóññêîì ÿçûêå ðåêà ÿâëÿåòñÿ ñëîâîì æåíñêîãî ðîäà, ïåðâîíà àëüíûé *i ïåðåøåë â a. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

130 20 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ñîîòíîñèìû ñ ðàññìîòðåííûìè âûøå àòðèáóòàìè ãèäðîíèìîâ îñíîâíîãî ìåðÿíñêîãî àðåàëà. Ïî ìíåíèþ È. È. Ìóëëîíåí [2002, ], ãèäðîíèìû íà Âèêñ- / Âèêø-, âñòðå àþùèåñÿ â áàññåéíå Ñâèðè è Îíåæñêîãî îçåðà, ñîîòíîñÿòñÿ ñ íàçâàíèÿìè íà Âåêñ- â âåðõîâüÿõ Âîëãè. Âïðî åì, òîïîíèìû íà ßãð- È. È. Ìóëëîíåí ñ èòàåò ñààìñêèìè, ïðåòåðïåâøèìè â ðåçóëüòàòå ðóññêîé àäàïòàöèè ïåðåõîä *w > g (ðóñ. ã) [Òàì æå, ]. Ðàçóìååòñÿ, ýòî âîçìîæíî, íî íå áåññïîðíî, ïîñêîëüêó ßãð- â ðàéîíå Ñâèðè è Îíåãè â ðàâíîé ìåðå ìîæåò áûòü ñîîòâåòñòâèåì ìåðÿíñêîìó *jäãrà / *jäãrä (ÿõðà-). òî êàñàåòñÿ îòìå åííûõ â áàññåéíå Îíåãè ãèäðîíèìîâ Îõòîìèöà è Îõòîíãà, à òàêæå êàðåëüñêèõ ãèäðîíèìîâ íà Âîõò- (êàðåë. Vuoht-), òî îíè ñâÿçàíû ñ ïåðåøåéêàìè, ïîýòîìó èõ îïðåäåëåííî ñëåäóåò êâàëèôèöèðîâàòü êàê ñîîòâåò- Ìåðÿíñêèå ãåîãðàôè åñêèå òåðìèíû íà Âåðõíåé Âîëãå è Îêå âåêñà, âûêñà ïðîòîê óõò-, (â)îõò-, óôò- âîëîê ÿõð-, ÿãð-, -õðà, -ãðà îçåðî ìîëî- ïåðåõîäíûé Ðîñòîâñêî-êîñòðîìñêàÿ ìåðÿ Ìóðîìñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Äüÿêîâñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Ñåâåðíàÿ ìåðÿ Ñåâåðíàÿ ïåðèôåðèÿ Êàðòà 2. Ãèäðîíèìû, îáðàçîâàííûå îò ìåðÿíñêèõ ãåîãðàôè åñêèõ òåðìèíîâ Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

131 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ21 ñòâèÿ ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêèì Óõò-, Âîõò-. Ïî ìíåíèþ È. È. Ìóëëîíåí, òîïîíèìû íà Óõò- â Îáîíåæüå âîñõîäÿò ê îäíîìó èç âåðõíåâîëæñêèõ ÿçûêîâ, ñ íîñèòåëÿìè êîòîðîãî òîïîíèìèÿ ðàñïðîñòðàíèëàñü íà ñåâåð [Ìóëëîíåí, 2002, 214]. Íàêîíåö, â ðàéîíå ñåâåðíîé ïåðèôåðèè ìåðÿíñêèì ãèäðîíèìàì íà Ìîëî- ïðåäïîëîæèòåëüíî ìîæåò ñîîòâåòñòâîâàòü íàçâàíèå Ìàëîæìà (< *Ìîëîæìà?), èìåíóþùåå îäíó èç ðåê áàññåéíà Áåëîãî ìîðÿ. Íà îñíîâàíèè âûøåñêàçàííîãî âîçìîæíî ïðåäïîëàãàòü, òî ó ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà èìåëñÿ ëèáî íåêèé ñåâåðíûé ïåðèôåðèéíûé äèàëåêò, ëèáî áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûé ÿçûê. Âî âñÿêîì ñëó àå, óêàçàííûå àòðèáóòû òðóäíî ñîîòíåñòè ñ ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèìè èëè ñààìñêèì ÿçûêàìè, íå ïðèáåãàÿ ê ñïåêóëÿöèè â îòíîøåíèè èñ åçíóâøåé ëåêñèêè Äðóãèå ðåãóëÿðíûå àòðèáóòû ñëîæíûõ íàçâàíèé À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ ñ èòàë íåîáõîäèìûì âêëþ àòü â èññëåäîâàíèå, ñ îäíîé ñòîðîíû, òîïîîñíîâû ñî çíà åíèÿìè âåðõíèé è íèæíèé, à ñ äðóãîé ñòîðîíû òîïîîñíîâû, â êîòîðûõ îòðàæåíû ýòíîíèìû [Ìàòâååâ, 2001, 65 71, 85].  ñîîòâåòñòâèè ñ ýòèì ìû ðàññìîòðåëè âñòðå àþùèåñÿ íà ìåðÿíñêèõ òåððèòîðèÿõ (êàðòà 3) àòðèáóòû, êîòîðûå ïîääàþòñÿ ðåêîíñòðóêöèè ñ îïîðîé íà òîïîíèìè åñêèå äàííûå: *ile èëè *ülä âåðõíèé, *vol(o) 16 íèæíèé, *ner(e), mer(e)- ìåðÿ(íñêèé), ìåðÿíèí 17, à òàêæå *väz(ä) ìàëûé [ñì.: Rahkonen, 2009, ]. Îòîáðàííûå íàìè àòðèáóòû íåëüçÿ íàçâàòü áåññïîðíûìè. Ïðåæäå âñåãî íåÿñåí âîïðîñ, ñâÿçàííûé ñ îòíîñèòåëüíîé õðîíîëîãèåé èõ âõîæäåíèÿ â òîïîíèìèþ: ÿâëÿþòñÿ ëè îíè â ñâîåé îñíîâå ñëîâàìè ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà â ïîçäíåé ñòàäèè èëè êàêîãî-òî äðóãîãî, áîëåå äðåâíåãî ÿçûêà íàïðèìåð, âåðõíåâîëæñêîãî, (?) ïðàìåðÿíñêîãî? Åñòü è ðÿä áîëåå àñòíûõ òðóäíîñòåé, ñâÿçàííûõ ñ ôîíåòè åñêîé è èíîé ñïåöèôèêîé âûáðàííûõ àòðèáóòîâ. Âî-ïåðâûõ, ñëîâà ñî çíà åíèÿìè âåðõíèé è íèæíèé àêòèâíî èñïîëüçóþòñÿ êàê â ãèäðîíèìàõ, òàê è â ìèêðîòîïîíèìàõ; ïðè ýòîì ïîñëåäíèå, â ñðàâíåíèè ñ ãèäðîíèìàìè, íåñóò èíôîðìàöèþ î áîëåå ïîçäíèõ ÿçûêîâûõ ýòàïàõ [ñì.: Ìàòâååâ, 2001, 81].  äàííîì èññëåäîâàíèè ýòó òðóäíîñòü âîçìîæíî ïðåîäîëåòü, ïðèíèìàÿ âî âíèìàíèå òîëüêî ñóáñòðàòíûå ãèäðîíèìû. Âî-âòîðûõ, â òîïîíèìèè ìåðÿíñêèõ çåìåëü áûâàåò ñëîæíî ðàçâåñòè íàçâàíèÿ ôèííî-óãîðñêîãî ïðîèñõîæäåíèÿ íà Âÿç- < *väzä ìàëûé [Rahkonen, 2009, ] è òîïîíèìû, ñîäåðæàùèå ðóññêèé êîðåíü âÿç-. Ïîýòîìó â äàííîé 16 Âñòðå àþùååñÿ â òîïîíèìèè Vol(o)- ïðè ðóññêîé àäàïòàöèè ìîæåò âûñòóïàòü â ðàçëè íûõ ôîðìàõ, â òîì èñëå *ala, *alo, *vala, *olo, *volo [É. Âààõòåðà: èç ïåðåïèñêè îò ]. Ìû îñòàíîâèëèñü íà ôîðìå *volo, ò. ê. èíûõ âàðèàíòîâ â ãèäðîíèìèè èçó àåìîé òåððèòîðèè íå çàôèêñèðîâàíî. Ïðîòåòè åñêèé v â ðóññêîì ÿçûêå íå ÿâëÿåòñÿ çàêîíîìåðíûì, ò. å. äàííûé çâóê ìîæåò âîñõîäèòü ê ïðàÿçûêó. Åñëè áû ýòîò çâóê áûë ñâÿçàí ïî ïðîèñõîæäåíèþ ñ äèàëåêòàìè ðóññêîãî ÿçûêà, òî âñòðå àëèñü áû è äðóãèå âàðèàíòû. 17  îòäåëüíûõ ñëó àÿõ ýòîò êîìïîíåíò ìîæåò èìåòü çíà åíèå ïîëóîñòðîâ. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

132 22 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ñòàòüå èñïîëüçîâàíû òàêèå íàçâàíèÿ, êîòîðûå ëèáî âêëþ àþò ôèííî-óãîðñêèé ôîðìàíò, ëèáî îòíîñÿòñÿ ê îáúåêòàì, äëÿ êîòîðûõ ïðèçíàê «ìàëûé» ÿâëÿåòñÿ î åâèäíûì îñíîâàíèåì íîìèíàöèè. Â-òðåòüèõ, ïðè àíàëèçå òîïîíèìèè ñåâåðíûõ ðåãèîíîâ òðóäíîñòè âîçíèêàþò â ñâÿçè ñ òåì, òî ìåðÿí. *il(e) âåðõíèé è *vol(o) íèæíèé ëåãêî ñìåøèâàþòñÿ ñ ïðîòîñààì. *åílå# âåðõíèé (â ðàííèõ ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèõ ôîðìàõ ïðîòîñààì. *åí > i) è *vî# lå# íèæíèé [Lehtiranta, 2001, 10, 152]. Ýòè ñëîâà, à òàêæå çâóêîâîå ñõîäñòâî ïðèá.-ôèí. järvi, ìåðÿí. *jäãra / *jäãrä, ïðîòîñààì. *jà# vrå# ïðè ôèííî-âîëæ. *jäkra / *jäkrä îçåðî [Rahkonen, 2011] óêàçûâàþò íà òî, òî â ôîíåòè åñêîì îòíîøåíèè ìåðÿíñêèé ÿçûê áûëè îò àñòè ñõîæ ñ ñààìñêèì. Âûáðàííûå íàìè àòðèáóòû îáðàçóþò øåñòü àðåàëîâ: 1) ðîñòîâñêî-êîñòðîìñêîé, 2) ìóðîìñêèé, 3) äüÿêîâñêîé êóëüòóðû, 4) ñåâåðíûé îçåðíûé àðåàë, 5) ñåâåðíàÿ ïåðèôåðèÿ, 6) àðåàë íîâãîðîäñêîé óäè. Åñëè ñðàâíèòü ýòó êàðòèíó ñ ïðèâåäåííîé âûøå äèñòðèáóöèåé ãåîãðàôè åñêèõ òåðìèíîâ, òî ñòàíîâèòñÿ î åâèäíûì, òî ñîîòâåòñòâóþùèå àðåàëû, çà èñêëþ åíèåì ïîñëåäíåãî, õîðîøî ñîâìåùàþòñÿ äðóã ñ äðóãîì (ñì. êàðòû 2 è 3). Ìåðÿíñêèå òîïîîñíîâû èëå-, èë(ü)ì- âåðõíèé âîë(î)- íèæíèé ïåðå(å)- ìåðÿí, íîñ ìåð(å)- ìåðÿí âÿç- ìàëûé Ðîñòîâñêî-êîñòðîìñêàÿ ìåðÿ Ìóðîìñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Äüÿêîâñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Ñåâåðíàÿ ìåðÿ Ñåâåðíàÿ ïåðèôåðèÿ óäñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Êàðòà 3. Ìåðÿíñêèå àòðèáóòû ñëîæíûõ íàçâàíèé Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

133 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ23 Îòíîñèòåëüíî øåñòîãî àðåàëà îòìåòèì ñëåäóþùåå. Ïî âñåé âèäèìîñòè, â ÿçûêå äðåâíèõ æèòåëåé Íîâãîðîäñêîé è Òâåðñêîé çåìåëü ( óäè?) áûëî ñëîâî *jädrä èëè *jädra îçåðî. Ê òàêîìó ïðåäïîëîæåíèþ âåäåò òîò ôàêò, òî ïðàêòè- åñêè âñå ãèäðîíèìû ñ ôèíàëüþ -drà / -drî ÿâëÿþòñÿ íà óêàçàííîé òåððèòîðèè íàçâàíèÿìè îçåð: íà Âàëäàå, íàïðèìåð, ýòî îçåðà Êåçàäðà, Ëèìàíäðoâo, Íåçäðèíñêîå, Øàáîäðî, Øåðåãîäðà [ÀÍÎ, 41, 39, 25, 40, 27], Òèøèäðà [ÀÒÎ, 54]. Äàííûé êîìïîíåíò ïðåäñòàâëåí è â òîïîîñíîâàõ, ñð. íàçâàíèÿ âàëäàéñêèõ îçåð Åäðîâî [ÀÒÎ, 50; ÀÍÎ, 48] è Åäðèöà [ÀÒÎ, 32], à òàêæå îçåðíûé ãèäðîíèì Ýäðèöà â âåðõîâüÿõ Çàïàäíîé Äâèíû [Òàì æå, 218]. Òåì ñàìûì íàïðàøèâàåòñÿ âûâîä î òîì, òî ñðåäè íîâãîðîäñêîé óäè áûëà ãðóïïà, â ÿçûêå êîòîðîé èìåëîñü ñëîâî *jädra îçåðî < *jäãra 18. Ñ äðóãîé ñòîðîíû, íåêàÿ ãðóïïà óäè, æèâøàÿ íà íîâãîðîäñêî-òâåðñêîé òåððèòîðèè, èñïîëüçîâàëà, êàê è ìåðÿ, ñëîâà *il(e) âåðõíèé è *vol(o) íèæíèé, à òàêæå ýòíîíèì *ner(e) ~ *mer(e) [Rahkonen, 2011]. Âèäèìî, àñòü íîâãîðîäñêîé óäè â ÿçûêîâîì îòíîøåíèè ÿâëÿëàñü áëèçêîðîäñòâåííîé ìåðÿíàì Òîïîíèìè åñêèå ôîðìàíòû  ðàìêàõ äàííîãî èññëåäîâàíèÿ íàìè áûëè èçó åíû ôîðìàíòû -áîë / -ïîë / -áàë / -ïàë, -ãäà / -õòà, êîòîðûå ïðèíÿòî ñ èòàòü ìåðÿíñêèìè, à òàêæå øèðîêî ðàñïðîñòðàíåííûé ôîðìàíò -êñà / -êøà, âñòðå àþùèéñÿ â îñíîâíîì íà ìåðÿíñêèõ è ìîðäîâñêèõ çåìëÿõ. Îòíîñèòåëüíî êîìïîíåíòà -áîë îáû íî ñ èòàåòñÿ, òî îí âîñõîäèò ê *pol äåðåâíÿ [ñì.: Àëüêâèñò, 1997, 27; 2000á, 31 33; Ìàòâååâ, 2001, ; Òêà- åíêî, 1985, 46] ~ âåíã. falu < ïðîòîô.-óã. *pålwå [PS, 548]. ß. Ñààðèêèâè âîçâîäèò äàííûé êîìïîíåíò ê ïðîòîôèí. *pooli ïîëîâèíà, ñòîðîíà > äåðåâíÿ [Saarikivi, 2006, 32], õîòÿ ýòîò ïðîòîôèíñêèé êîðåíü ïðàêòè åñêè íå âñòðå àåòñÿ â äðóãèõ ôèííî-óãîðñêèõ ÿçûêàõ. Ñ íàøåé òî êè çðåíèÿ, íå ñòîèò èñêëþ àòü òîãî, òî íà ìåðÿíñêîé òåððèòîðèè ìîãóò âñòðå àòüñÿ äðåâíèå èíäîåâðîïåéñêèå çàèìñòâîâàíèÿ, ïîýòîìó ðàññìàòðèâàåìûé êîìïîíåíò ìîæåò áûòü ñâÿçàí ñ ãðå. ðïëéò ~ ëèò. pilìs ~ ëòø. pils < ïðîòîèíäîåâð. *pelh x - êðåïîñòü, óêðåïëåíèå, ãîðîä [Pokorny, 1959, 799; Mallory, Adams, 1997, 210] èëè ïðîòîèíäîåâð. *p (h) al- / *p (h) tl- ïî ðåêîíñòðóêöèè Ê. Áàêà [Buck, 1949]. Ïî ïîâîäó ôîíåòè åñêèõ ñâÿçåé â ñëó àå òàêîé òðàêòîâêè òðóäíî ñêàçàòü òî-ëèáî îïðåäåëåííîå, ò. ê. íåèçâåñòíî, êîãäà è èç êàêîãî èíäîåâðîïåéñêîãî ÿçûêà ñëîâî áûëî çàèìñòâîâàíî. Âïðî åì, åãî íàëè èå â áàëòèéñêèõ ÿçûêàõ 18 Ëîêàëüíûå ïðîÿâëåíèÿ ïåðåõîäà ô.-óã. *g > ðóñ. ä (d) ìîãóò îáúÿñíÿòüñÿ âëèÿíèåì ðóññêîãî ÿçûêà [Ìóëëîíåí, 2002, 65, ñî ññûëêîé íà Ì. À. Ñîêîëîâó; Òêà åíêî, 1985, 32 33]. Ïî ñâèäåòåëüñòâó Ì. À. Ñîêîëîâîé, ýòîò àññèìèëÿòèâíûé ïåðåõîä, ñïîðàäè åñêè îòìå àåìûé â ñðåäíåâåêîâûõ ëåòîïèñÿõ, ñïîñîáåí ïðîèñõîäèòü êàê â èñêîííî ðóññêèõ ñëîâàõ, òàê è â çàèìñòâîâàíèÿõ è òîïîíèìàõ ïåðåä ãëàñíûìè ïåðåäíåãî ðÿäà è é [Ñîêîëîâà, 1962, 74 75]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

134 24 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ïîçâîëÿåò ïîëàãàòü, òî çàèìñòâîâàíèå ìîãëî ïðîèçîéòè óæå íà óðîâíå ñåâåðîçàïàäíîãî ïðîòîèíäîåâðîïåéñêîãî ÿçûêà. Åñëè æå ñëîâî äåéñòâèòåëüíî èìåëî çíà åíèå óêðåïëåííîå ïîñåëåíèå, òî ìîæíî ñ áîëüøîé äîëåé âåðîÿòíîñòè ïðåäïîëîæèòü, òî çàèìñòâîâàíèå îòíîñèòñÿ êî âðåìåíè âîçíèêíîâåíèÿ «ãîðîäåöêîé êóëüòóðû» (îêîëî 800 ã. äî í. ý.) [Òðåòüÿêîâ, 1966, 145; Patrushev, 2000, 145]. Òîïîíèìè åñêèé êîìïîíåíò -áàë / -áîë âûçûâàåò òðóäíîñòè íå òîëüêî ñ ýòèìîëîãè åñêîé ñòîðîíû, íî è ñ òî êè çðåíèÿ âûäåëåíèÿ åãî â ñîñòàâå òîïîíèìîâ. Òàê, À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ âêëþ èë â ñâîè êàðòû ðÿä îéêîíèìîâ íà -áàë / -áîë [Ìàòâååâ, 2006, 167, êàðòà 1], â êîòîðûõ ýëåìåíò -áà- / -áî- îòíîñèòñÿ, ñêîðåå, ê àòðèáóòèâíîé îñíîâå, à êîìïîíåíò -ë- èìååò òî æå çíà åíèå, òî è ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèé ôîðìàíò -la / -lä 19. Íèæå äëÿ îéêîíèìîâ, âêëþ åííûõ â èññëåäîâàíèå À. Ê. Ìàòâååâà, ïðèâîäÿòñÿ ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèå ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ, èìåþùèåñÿ â ñîáñòâåííî ôèíñêîé àíòðîïîíèìèè è òîïîíèìèè. Ðàéáîëà ñð. ïðèá.-ôèí. Raipala (àíòðîïîíèì) è îäíîèìåííûå íàñåëåííûå ïóíêòû Raipala â Ôèíëÿíäèè (Hämeenkyrö, Ikaalinen, Honkajoki, Kauhajoki, Karvia) [NA]. Ðàìáîë êà ñð. ïðèá.-ôèí. Rampala (àíòðîïîíèì) [Nissilä, 1975, 119] è íàñåëåííûå ïóíêòû ñ íàçâàíèåì Rampala â Ôèíëÿíäèè è ôèíñêîé Êàðåëèè (Eura, Räisälä, Valkeajärvi) [NA; Nissilä, 1975, 145]. Ñîìáàë ñð. ìíîãî èñëåííûå â ôèíñêîé òîïîíèìèè îéêîíèìû Sompala [GT, 46, 78, 86, 97, 126, 164, 169]. Ñîðáàëî, Ñàðáàëà ñð. ïðèá.-ôèí. Sarpoi (àíòðîïîíèì) [Nissilä, 1975, 265] è íàçâàíèå íàñåëåííîãî ïóíêòà Sarpola â Ôèíëÿíäèè (Pyhäjoki) [NA]. Òîðîïàëî ñð. ïðèá.-ôèí. Toroppa (àíòðîïîíèì) [Nissilä, 1975, 208] è íàçâàíèå íàñåëåííîãî ïóíêòà Toroppala (Savonlinna, Kitee) [GT, 72; Nissilä, 1975, 208]. Êðîìå òîãî, ïî ìåíüøåé ìåðå îäíî èç óïîìÿíóòûõ À. Ê. Ìàòâååâûì íàçâàíèé ìîæíî âîçâåñòè ê ìàðèéñêîìó ÿçûêó: Þìáàëîâî < ìàð. ümbal âåðõíèé. òî êàñàåòñÿ ôîðìàíòà -ãäà / -õòà, òî À. Àëüêâèñò è, ñ íåêîòîðûìè îãîâîðêàìè, À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ ñ èòàþò åãî ìåðÿíñêèì [Àëüêâèñò, 2001, ; 2004, 11; Ìàòâååâ, 2004, 29]. Ïî-âèäèìîìó, ýòîò ôîðìàíò ïðîèçîøåë îò áîëåå äðåâíåãî è áîëåå øèðîêî ðàñïðîñòðàíåííîãî -êñà / -êøà, ïîäòâåðæäåíèåì åìó, â àñòíîñòè, ñëóæàò âàðèàíòû íàçâàíèÿ ðåêè Ìîëîêøà ~ Ìîëîê à ~ Ìîëîõ à ~ Ìîëîõòà [ÃÁÎ, 201]. Ôîíåòè åñêîå ðàçâèòèå â äàííîì ñëó àå ìîãëî ïðîèñõîäèòü ñëåäóþùèì îáðàçîì: *-êñà > -õ à > -õòà. Íà îñíîâàíèè àðåàëà ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ ôîðìàíò -êñà / -êøà ñëåäóåò ñ èòàòü, ïî ìåíüøåé ìåðå, ìîðäîâñêî-ìåðÿíñêèì, òî ñîãëàñóåòñÿ è ñ èçâåñòíîñòüþ â ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêå ñóôôèêñà ñ êîìïîíåíòîì -ks- [Bartens, 1999, ]. Íåîáõîäèìî îòìåòèòü, òî àðåàëû ïðèâåäåííûõ âûøå ôîðìàíòîâ ñîâïàäàþò ñ àðåàëàìè íàèáîëåå ðàñïðîñòðàíåííûõ àòðèáóòîâ (ñì. êàðòû 3 è 4), îäíàêî 19 Ýòî îòìå àëà è À. Àëüêâèñò [1997, 27 28]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

135 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ25 òàê æå, êàê îòîáðàííûå äëÿ äàííîãî èññëåäîâàíèÿ ãåîãðàôè åñêèå òåðìèíû, àíàëèçèðóåìûå ôîðìàíòû íå âñòðå àþòñÿ íà Âàëäàå. Ëþáîïûòíûì ïðåäñòàâëÿåòñÿ øèðîêîå ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèå ôîðìàíòà -êñà â ãèäðîíèìèè Ñâèðè, Îÿòè, íà Áåëîì îçåðå è íà âîñòî íîì ïîáåðåæüå Îíåæñêîãî îçåðà âïëîòü äî Îíåãè (ñì. êàðòó 4).  ðàéîíå Ñâèðè ñîîòâåòñòâóþùèå ãèäðîíèìû ìîæíî ðàçäåëèòü íà äâå ãðóïïû. Ìåðÿíñêèå òîïîôîðìàíòû -õòà, -ãäà -áàë, -áîë, -ïàë, -ïîë Âåðõíåâîëæñêèé òîïîôîðìàíò -êñà, -êøà Ðîñòîâñêî-êîñòðîìñêàÿ ìåðÿ Ìóðîìñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Äüÿêîâñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Ñåâåðíàÿ ìåðÿ Ñåâåðíàÿ ïåðèôåðèÿ Êàðòà 4. Ìåðÿíñêèå äåòåðìèíàíòû è ôîðìàíòû 1. Íàçâàíèÿ, â ñîñòàâ êîòîðûõ âõîäèò ýëåìåíò (ñóôôèêñ?) -óñ: Âèëëþêñà ~ Vil d ogi ~ Vil d us, Ãàáàðäóêñà ~ Habard uz, Ìåëóêñà, Ìóíäóêñà ~ Mund us, Ïåòëüóêñà ~ Petl us oja, Òÿíóêñà ~ Tän us [ÑÃÁÑ, 6, 86, 65, 7, 6, 56]. Íåêîòîðûå èç ýòèõ íàçâàíèé èìåþò ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ â Ôèíëÿíäèè: Mielus lampi 20 (îç. â Õààïàâåñè), Muddus jávri (-dd- < *nd) (îç. â Èíàðè). Petl us âîñõîäèò, âèäèìî, ê ôîðìå *Petrus 20 Íàçâàíèÿ íà Mielus- ïðîèñõîäÿò îò äðåâíèõ ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèõ àíòðîïîíèìîâ, óïîìÿíóòûõ â òîì èñëå è â íîâãîðîäñêèõ áåðåñòÿíûõ ãðàìîòàõ [Saarikivi, 2007a, ]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

136 26 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ (ôèí. petra îëåíü ), Tänus ìîæåò èìåòü àíàëîã â íàçâàíèè ðåêè Teno- â Ëàïëàíäèè, íàçâàíèþ Vil d us â Ôèíëÿíäèè ñîîòâåòñòâóþò Viljunjärvi (îç. â Êóõìàëàõòè) è Viljus (ä. â Þâà). Ôîðìàíò -us â ôèíñêîé òîïîíèìèè äîâîëüíî ïðîäóêòèâåí (ñð. Ahven us [GT, 51, 67, 41], Matk us [Òàì æå, 40, 84, 109, 125] è äð.), ïîýòîìó âïîëíå î åâèäíî, òî äàííûé ïëàñò òîïîíèìèè àñòè íî ÿâëÿåòñÿ ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèì.  íåêîòîðûõ ñëó àÿõ, âèäèìî, îí ñâÿçàí ñ ñààìñêèì ÿçûêîì èëè íåèçâåñòíûìè ÿçûêîâûìè èñòî íèêàìè: íàïðèìåð, îòìå åííûå â Ëàïëàíäèè òîïîîñíîâû Muddus- è Teno- íå ÿâëÿþòñÿ ñîáñòâåííî ñààìñêèìè, à âîñõîäÿò ê íåêîåìó áîëåå äðåâíåìó ÿçûêó [SP, 273, 453]. 2. Íàçâàíèÿ, äëÿ êîòîðûõ èìåþòñÿ ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ â âåðõîâüÿõ Âîëãè è íèçîâüÿõ Îêè íà ìåðÿíñêî-ìóðîìñêèõ òåððèòîðèÿõ: Èëà êñà ~ Èëî êñà [ÑÃÁÑ, 9, 11] ~ Èëå çåì [ÀÊÎ, 84], Èëå íäà [ÃÁÎ, 228]; Èëüìà êñà ~ Èëüìà ñ [ÑÃÁÑ, 78] ~ Èëüìà [ÀßÎ, 70, 99], Èëüì åæ [ÀßÎ, 36], Èëüìà õòà [ÃÁÎ, 208]; Íóäî êñà (Òèõâ.) ~ Íóäî øà [ÃÁÎ, 121]; Ïàëå êñà [ÑÃÁÑ, 9] ~ Ïàëå øêà [ÃÁÎ, 221], Ïàëó æ [ÀÊÎ, 61]; Ïèíî êñà [ÑÃÁÑ, 9] ~ Ïèíî ð [ÃÁÎ, 205]; Ñåðìà êñà [ÑÃÁÑ, 63] ~ Ñåðìà òêà [ÃÁÎ, 260], Ñåðìî ñ [ÀÊÎ, 51]; Øàìî êøà [ÑÃÁÑ, 30] ~ Øàìè ëåé, Øàì øà [ÃÁÎ, 242, 130]; Øèìà êñà [ÑÃÁÑ, 3] ~ Øèìà õòà, Øèì pà, Øèì ø [ÃÁÎ, 203, 211, 128], Øèì ïîë [ÀÊÎ, 32]. ìåðÿíñêèå ãèäðîíèìû ìåðÿíñêàÿ àðõåîëîãè åñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ (Ëåîíüåâ 1996) Êàðòà 5. Ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêèé àðåàë ðàññåëåíèÿ (çà èñêëþ åíèåì ãðóïï ñåâåðíîãî ïåðèôåðèéíîãî è âîñòî íîãî óäñêîãî ÿçûêà) Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

137 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ27 Ñëåäóåò îòìåòèòü, òî èíûå ïðîÿâëåíèÿ ôîðìàíòà -êñ- â ôèíñêîé è ñààìñêîé òîïîíèìèè íå îòðàæåíû. Åäèíñòâåííûì èñêëþ åíèåì ìîæíî ñ èòàòü íàçâàíèå êðóïíîé ðåêè Vuo ksi, ïðîèñõîæäåíèå êîòîðîãî äî êîíöà íå âûÿñíåíî (< ôèí. vuo ïîòîê, òå åíèå?). Òàêèì îáðàçîì, ìîæíî ïðåäïîëàãàòü, òî äëÿ ãèäðîíèìîâ íà -óñ äåéñòâîâàëî òî æå ïðàâèëî, â ñîîòâåòñòâèè ñ êîòîðûì èçìåíÿåòñÿ îñíîâà â ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêîì ñêëîíåíèè (s : ks, nom. -us gen. -u ks en) [Ìóëëîíåí, 2002, ].  òî æå âðåìÿ, âèäèìî, ê íàçâàíèÿì, äëÿ êîòîðûõ îòìå åíû ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ â âåðõîâüÿõ Âîëãè è Ïðèî üå, èìååò íåïîñðåäñòâåííîå îòíîøåíèå âåðõíåâîëæñêî-îêñêèé ôîðìàíò -êñà / -êøà. Îòíîñèòåëüíî ïîñëåäíåãî ïðèâåñòè êàêóþ-ëèáî ïîäðîáíóþ èíôîðìàöèþ òðóäíî. Ñ òî êè çðåíèÿ èñòîðèè ÿçûêà íàïðàøèâàåòñÿ ãèïîòåçà î òîì, òî ïðîèñõîäèë ïåðåõîä *êñ > ñ, îäíàêî â òîïîíèìèè àðåàë ôîðìàíòà -ñ / -ø â ñðàâíåíèè ñ -êñ / -êø ðàñïðîñòðàíåí øèðå, òî ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò, ñêîðåå, îá îáðàòíîì ïðîöåññå: *ñ / *ø > êñ / êø. 3. Ìîðäîâñêàÿ ãèäðîíèìèÿ 3.1. Ðåãóëÿðíûå àòðèáóòû ñëîæíûõ íàçâàíèé Äëÿ âûÿâëåíèÿ àðåàëà ìîðäîâñêîé òîïîíèìèè â âåðõîâüÿõ Âîëãè è Ïðèî üå ìû âûáðàëè øåñòü íàèáîëåå ïîêàçàòåëüíûõ àòðèáóòîâ (îñíîâ): Âåë- < ìîðä. vål -, väl âåðõíèé [MW, 4, 2608; SSA, 3, 490]; Aë- < ìîðä. alo, ala íèæíèé [MW, 1, 22; SSA, 1, 66]; Èí- < ìîðä. iñå, iñä áîëüøîé [MW, 1, 463; SSA, 1, 106]; Âåæ-, Âåøê- < ìîðä. våž-, våška, viška ìàëûé, ìàëî [MW, 4, 2638; SSA, 3, 478]; Àø-, Àù-, Àêø- < ýðç. ašo, ìîêø. akša áåëûé, ñâåòëûé [MW, 1, 76]; åì- / èì- åðíûé 21 < ýðç. èåmåñ, ìîêø. šämtñ ðæàâ èíà [MW, 1, 235].  ñîâîêóïíîñòè ýòè àòðèáóòû îáðàçóþò äîñòàòî íî öåëüíûé àðåàë (ñì. êàðòó 6). Íàèáîëåå çíà èìûìè çîíàìè ýòîãî àðåàëà ÿâëÿþòñÿ ñëåäóþùèå: 1) òåððèòîðèÿ ìåæäó Îêîé è Ñóðîé, â öåëîì ñîâïàäàþùàÿ ñ èñòîðè åñêè ñëîæèâøèìñÿ àðåàëîì ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ ìîðäîâñêîãî ÿçûêà; 2) òåððèòîðèÿ ìåæäó Ðÿçàíüþ, Ìîñêâîé è Êàëóãîé, ñîâïàäàþùàÿ â áîëüøåé àñòè ñ î åð åííûì Ðîçåíôåëüäòîì þæíûì àðåàëîì ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ äüÿêîâñêîé êóëüòóðû [Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, 150, pèñ. 40]; 3) àñòè íî Òâåðñêàÿ îáë., òàêæå âõîäÿùàÿ â àðåàë äüÿêîâñêîé êóëüòóðû [Òðåòüÿêîâ, 1966, 122, pèñ. 31; Patrushev, 2000, 90, fig. 31]. Ïðèìå àòåëüíî, òî âñå øåñòü íàçâàííûõ àòðèáóòîâ âñòðå àþòñÿ íà òåððèòîðèè îò ð. Ñóðà âïëîòü äî ëèíèè Ìîñêâà Êàëóãà. Ê çàïàäó è ñåâåðî-çàïàäó îò ýòîé òåððèòîðèè âñòðå àþòñÿ àòðèáóòû, â îñíîâå êîòîðûõ ìîãóò ëåæàòü ìîðäîâñêèå ñëîâà vel - âåðõíèé, iñ- áîëüøîé è veš(k)- ìàëûé.  Òâåðñêîé îáë. 21 Íè íà ñîâðåìåííûõ, íè íà èñòîðè åñêèõ ìîðäîâñêèõ òåððèòîðèÿõ íå âñòðå àþòñÿ àòðèáóòû, îáðàçîâàííûå îò ñîâðåìåííîãî ìîðä. raužo åðíûé [ÃÁÎ; Èíæåâàòîâ, 1987]. Íà îñíîâå äàííûõ òîïîíèìèè ìîæíî ñäåëàòü âûâîä î òîì, òî â ýòîì çíà åíèè èñïîëüçîâàëàñü îñíîâà *èem-. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

138 28 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ Ìåðÿíñêèå òîïîîñíîâû èí- áîëüøîé âåæ-, âåøê-, âèøê- ìàëûé âåë- âåðõíèé àë(à/î)- íèæíèé àøî-, àêø- áåëûé åì- åðíûé ãðàíèöà äðåâíåìîðäîâñêèõ ãèäðîíèìîâ Êàðòà 6. Ìîðäîâñêèå àòðèáóòû ãèäðîíèìû ñ àòðèáóòîì Âåë- îòíîñÿòñÿ â îñíîâíîì ê âîäîåìàì, âåðõíèì â ñâîåé âîäíîé ñèñòåìå: íàïðèìåð, äâå ðåêè Âåëüãà [ÀÒÎ, 153 è 156] (< *Vel juãa «Âåðõíÿÿ ðåêà»?) è îç. Âåëüãà [Òàì æå, 160]. Íåäàëåêî îò Òâåðè îòìå åíî íàçâàíèå îäíîãî èç ïðèòîêîâ Âîëãè Èíþõà [ÀÒÎ, 189] (< *Iñäjuãa «Áîëüøàÿ ðåêà» < ìîêø. iñä áîëüøîé [MW, 1, 463] è *juãa ~ *joãa ðåêà?), áîëåå ìåëêèé ïðèòîê êîòîðîé íîñèò íàçâàíèå Âåøêà «Ìàëàÿ ðåêà» [ÀÒÎ, 189] < ìîðä. veška ìàëûé [SSA, 3, 478]. Â ñîîòâåòñòâèè ñ êàðòîé 6 ìîæíî ñäåëàòü âûâîä î òîì, òî ïàðà aš- èåm- ( áåëûé åðíûé ) íå ÿâëÿëàñü àñòüþ ÿçûêà çàïàäíîé àñòè àðåàëà. Â ýòîì íåò ïðîòèâîðå èÿ, ïîñêîëüêó, ê ïðèìåðó, èçâåñòíûå â ïåðìñêèõ ÿçûêàõ êîìè jedžιíd è óäì. tåíd íι áåëûé èìåþò àáñîëþòíî ðàçíîå ïðîèñõîæäåíèå. Âîçìîæíî, â çàïàäíûõ äèàëåêòàõ ìîðäîâñêîãî ÿçûêà äëÿ îáîçíà åíèÿ ñâåòëûõ âîä èñïîëüçîâàëîñü ñëîâî *valda, ñð. ýðç. valdo, ìîêø. valda ñâåòëûé, ïðîçðà íûé [MW, 4, 2518; ÝÐÑ, 101; HF, 26] < *walkç áåëûé [UEW, ]?; ñð. òàêæå èçâåñòíûå â Òâåðñêîé îáë. ðåêè Âàëäàéêà, Âîëäîìèöà [ÀÒÎ, 34; 21], â Ðÿçàíñêîé îáë. îç. Âîëäûðêà < ìîðä. *Vald eàke «Ñâåòëîå îçåðî» [ÀÐÎ, 107], ð. Âîëäûíü è Âîëäååâî [ÀÐÎ, 87; ÃÁÎ, 130]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

139 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠÎçåðíûå äåòåðìèíàíòû Âåñüìà èíòåðåñíî àðåàëüíîå ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèå äåòåðìèíàíòà, âîñõîäÿùåãî ê ìîðä. eàke, äàkä îçåðî [MW, 1, 379], êîòîðûé àùå âñåãî îòðàæàåòñÿ â òîïîíèìèè â ôîðìàõ -åðêè, -åðõè [ÃÁÎ] (ñì. êàðòó 7). Ýòîò äåòåðìèíàíò, êàê è ðå íîé ôîðìàíò lej, läj ðåêà (ñì. êàðòó 8 è ðàçä. 3.3), áûòóåò â íåïîñðåäñòâåííîé áëèçîñòè îò ñîâðåìåííîé òåððèòîðèè ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ ìîðäîâñêîãî ÿçûêà, òî âûçûâàåò ðÿä âîïðîñîâ î ôîíåòè åñêîì ðàçâèòèè íàçâàííûõ ëåêñåì è âðåìåíè âõîæäåíèÿ èõ â óïîòðåáëåíèå. ýðüêå îçåðî ñîâðåìåííàÿ ìîðäîâñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Êàðòà 7. Äåòåðìèíàíòû, âîñõîäÿùèå ê ìîðä. åàkå îçåðî Äåòåðìèíàíò -åðêè / -åðõè < *åàkå îçåðî â íàçâàíèÿõ îçåð âñòðå àåòñÿ ãëàâíûì îáðàçîì â áàññåéíå Îêè ìåæäó ïðèòîêàìè Ò øà è Ïðà, à òàêæå â áàññåéíå Ìîêøè. Òàêèì îáðàçîì, áîëüøàÿ àñòü ãèäðîíèìîâ ñ ýòèì äåòåðìèíàíòîì ðàñïîëîæåíà ê çàïàäó îò ñîâðåìåííîé òåððèòîðèè ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ ìîðäîâñêîãî ÿçûêà.  òî æå âðåìÿ íà òåððèòîðèè Òâåðñêîé îáë., íåäàëåêî îò ã. Âûøíèé Âîëî îê, èçâåñòíà ðåêà ñ íàçâàíèåì Êëåðõà [ÀÒÎ, 73], êîòîðîå â ôîíåòè åñêîì îòíîøåíèè Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

140 30 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ëåãêî âîçâîäèòñÿ ê ôîðìå *Kile eàke «Áåðåçîâîå îçåðî». Â âåðõîâüÿõ ðåêè åñòü áîëüøîå áîëîòî ñ ðóññêèì íàçâàíèåì Ò ìíîå, à ñ íèì ñâÿçàíî ìàëåíüêîå îçåðî, êîòîðîå â ïåðèîä ïðèñâîåíèÿ ðåêå íàçâàíèÿ ìîãëî èìåíîâàòüñÿ Kile eàke. Ýòî íàçâàíèå ìîæåò áûòü ñâÿçàíî ñ òîïîíèìèåé òîé æå ýòíè åñêîé ãðóïïû, òî è ïðèâåäåííûå âûøå ãèäðîíèìû îêðåñòíîñòåé Òâåðè: Âåëüãà, Âåøêà è Èíþõà. Íåîáõîäèìî çàìåòèòü, òî â ñîâðåìåííîì ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêå ñëîâî eàke (ýðç.), äàkä (ìîêø.) ìîãëî îáðåñòè äàííóþ ôîðìó â ðåçóëüòàòå óòðàòû ïåðâîíà àëüíîãî *j ïåðåä ãëàñíûì ïåðåäíåãî ðÿäà ïðè ïðèñîåäèíåíèè ñóôôèêñà -ke / -kä; äðóãèìè ñëîâàìè, eàke, äàkä < *jär. Â ñâÿçè ñ ýòèì ïîêàçàòåëüíû èçâåñòíûå íà òåððèòîðèè Ðÿçàíñêîé îáë. îçåðíûå ãèäðîíèìû Åð óñ, Ïèø åð ñêîå, Ñàñ åð ñêîå [ÀÐÎ, 35, 51, 75] è, âîçìîæíî, Êâàð îâî [Òàì æå, 74] < *Kevjär? < ýðç. kev êàìåíü (ýòè íàçâàíèÿ îòìå åíû íà òîé æå òåððèòîðèè, ãäå âñòðå àåòñÿ è òîïîíèìèÿ íà -eàke). Íà ãðàíèöå Ìîñêîâñêîé è Ðÿçàíñêîé îáë. åñòü îç. Øàã àðà [ÀÌÎ, 105; ÀÐÎ, 7] ~ Øàãîðà [ÀÌÎ, 125]. Â îêðåñòíîñòÿõ Ìîñêâû îòìå åí åùå îäèí ãèäðîíèì ð. Åð îø êa (âïàäàåò â îç. Èñòðèíñêîå) [ÀÌÎ, 38], êîòîðûé ìîæåò áûòü ñâÿçàí ñ êîìïîíåíòîì *jär. Âîçìîæíî, ïåðå èñëåííûå íàçâàíèÿ îáðàçîâàíû îò ïðîòîôèííî-âîëæ. *järkä, ñîîòíîñÿùåãîñÿ ñ óñå åííîé ôîðìîé jär, jer [Rahkonen, 2011]. Îñîáåííî ëþáîïûòíûìè íàì ïðåäñòàâëÿþòñÿ îòìå åííûå â Ðÿçàíñêîé îáë. íàçâàíèÿ îçåð Êîìãàðü, Ìóêàðü, Íåãàðü (< *Iñå gar?) è Ïåøêàðü [ÀÐÎ, 17, 25, 16, 15]. Ïðåäïîëîæèòåëüíî âû ëåíÿåìûé â íèõ ôîðìàíò *-êàðü (-kaà) îçåðî ìîæåò ÿâëÿòüñÿ ìîðäîâñêèì ñîîòâåòñòâèåì ñëîâó *kur îçåðî [Àëüêâèñò, 2000à, 27], êîòîðîå ðàññìàòðèâàåòñÿ íàìè êàê ìåùåðñêîå, à çíà èò, ïåðìñêîå [Rahkonen, 2009]. Ýòî, ñ îäíîé ñòîðîíû, âïîëíå óêëàäûâàåòñÿ â ñèñòåìó èçâåñòíûõ ôîíåòè- åñêèõ ñîîòâåòñòâèé, ñð. ïåðì. u ~ ìîðä. a [Bartens, 2000, 61; 1999, 54]. Ñ äðóãîé ñòîðîíû, àòðèáóòû êîì- è ìó- õîðîøî âïèñûâàþòñÿ â ñèñòåìó ïåðìñêèõ ÿçûêîâ â ôîíåòè åñêîì è ñåìàíòè åñêîì îòíîøåíèÿõ, ñð. óäì. Kam ðåêà Êàìà? ~ kam ïîòîê, mu çåìëÿ [USS, 185, 299] Ðå íûå äåòåðìèíàíòû Ðå íûå äåòåðìèíàíòû -ëåé (ýðç.), -ëÿé (ìîêø.) áûëè, ïî-âèäèìîìó, ðàñïðîñòðàíåíû âîñòî íåå, åì äåòåðìèíàíò -ýðüêå (ñì. êàðòû 7, 8). Îòäåëüíûå ãèäðîíèìû, òîëêóåìûå êàê íàçâàíèÿ ñ êîìïîíåíòîì -ëåé, âñòðå àþòñÿ â îñíîâíîì â Êàëóæñêîé îáë., ãäå äîñòàòî íî øèðîêî ðàñïðîñòðàíåíû äðåâíåìîðäîâñêèå àòðèáóòû (ñì. êàðòó 6). Íà ýòîé òåððèòîðèè îòìå åíû, íàïðèìåð, òàêèå òîïîíèìû íà -ëåé, êàê Àáå ëåé êa, Âîäî ëåé êà, Ïåðå ëåé êà, Ïåñê ëåé [ÃÁÎ, 34 è 42, 41, 63, 26]. Îäíàêî îñíîâû ýòèõ íàçâàíèé èìåþò íåìîðäîâñêîå ïðîèñõîæäåíèå. Îíè ìîãóò áûòü ñâÿçàíû ñ ðóñ. âîäà, ïåñîê, ïåðå-; äëÿ ãèðîíèìà Àáå ëåé êà àíàëîãèè âñòðå àþòñÿ íà òåððèòîðèè Ëàòâèè: Àá àâà è Àá óëñ < è.-å. *ab- âîäà [Balode, 2005, ]. Íàçâàíèå ñìîëåíñêîé ðåêè Âîä âà Ì. Ôàñìåð îòíîñèë ê áàëòèéñêèì (~ Vãduva â Ëèòâå) [Vasmer, 1932, 23] ïîäîáíûì îáðàçîì áàëòèéñêèå èñòîêè ìîæåò èìåòü è íàçâàíèå Âîäî ëåé êà (< *Vãdu lej). Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

141 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ31 Âñå ýòè äàííûå âåäóò ê âîïðîñó îá ýòèìîëîãèè ìîðäîâñêîãî lej, läj. Ïî ïðåäïîëîæåíèþ ß. Ñààðèêèâè [èç ëè íîé ïåðåïèñêè], ýòî ñëîâî ìîæåò áûòü ñâÿçàíî ñ äðåâíèì ô.-óã. *läkä äîëèíà, ðåêà ; É. Ëåõòèðàíòà òàêæå îòìå àåò ñîîòâåòñòâèå ïðîòîñààì. *lε #kå# ~ ìîðä. lej äîëèíà [Lehtiranta, 2001, 68]. È. Ñ. Ãàëêèí, â ñâîþ î åðåäü, ñ èòàåò, òî lej, läj ÿâëÿåòñÿ áàëòî-ñëàâÿíñêèì çàèìñòâîâàíèåì, ñð. ïðîòîñëàâ. *leá jä òå ü (â òîì èñëå î âîäå) ~ ëèò. líeju [ÝÑÐß, III, 504] > ïîòîê, òå åíèå [Ãàëêèí, 1990, 18 19]. Ñëîâî, êîòîðîå ìîãëî áûòü èñòî íèêîì çàèìñòâîâàíèÿ, åñòü òàêæå â ëàòûøñêîì ÿçûêå, ñð. ëòø. leja äîëèíà < lej a íèæíèé [Pajula, Vanhanen, Samcova, 1997]. -ëåé-ãèäðîíèìû -ëÿé-ãèäðîíèìû ñîâðåìåííàÿ ìîðäîâñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Êàðòà 8. Äåòåðìèíàíòû -ëåé, -ëÿé ðåêà Ìîæíî ïðåäïîëàãàòü, òî ïðîäóêòèâíûé íà òåððèòîðèè Ïðèî üÿ ôîðìàíò - ëü- âî ìíîãèõ ñëó àÿõ âîñõîäèò ê ïåðâîíà àëüíîìó -ëåé, -ëÿé. Íî äëÿ ïîäêðåïëåíèÿ ýòîãî ïðåäïîëîæåíèÿ àðåàë ðàññìàòðèâàåìîé òîïîíèìèè ÿâëÿåòñÿ âñå æå íåïîêàçàòåëüíûì. Îí, ñêîðåå, ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò â ïîëüçó áàëòèéñêîãî èëè ñëàâÿíñêîãî ïðîèñõîæäåíèÿ ôîðìàíòà, êîòîðûé ìîã áûòü çàèìñòâîâàí èç ýòèõ ÿçûêîâ êàê íà ìîðäîâñêîé, òàê è íà ìåðÿíñêîé òåððèòîðèè (ñì. êàðòó 9). Òåì ñàìûì, âåðîÿòíî, ñëîâî lej, läj â ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêå ïîÿâèëîñü äîñòàòî íî ïîçäíî. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

142 32 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ -ëü-òîïîôîðìàíòû íà áàñåéíå Îêè (Ñìîëèíñêàÿ 1976) Êàðòà 9. Ôîðìàíò -ëü- Êîñíåìñÿ âîïðîñà è î äðóãèõ ðå íûõ òîïîôîðìàíòàõ. Â Ìîñêîâñêîé îáë., â àñòíîñòè, îòìå åíî íàçâàíèå åìðàâ ñêîé [ÃÁÎ, 117], äåòåðìèíàíò êîòîðîãî -ðàâ èçâåñòåí â ñîâðåìåííîì ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêå, ñð. ýðç. rav Âîëãà; îâðàã [ÝÐÑ, 532], ìîêø. Rav Âîëãà [HF, 156], rava ðåêà [Bartens, 1999, 15]. Â ñâÿçè ñ ýòèì ïðèìåðîì íåîáõîäèìî îòìåòèòü, òî â Ïðèî üå è âåðõîâüÿõ Âîëãè ôèêñèðóåòñÿ áîëüøîå êîëè åñòâî íàçâàíèé ðåê ñ ôèíàëüþ -ðà. Íà Îêå îíè ðàñïðîñòðàíåíû ïîâñþäó íà òåððèòîðèÿõ, òðàäèöèîííî ïðè èñëÿåìûõ ê ôèííî-óãîðñêèì, îäíàêî èõ íåò â âåðõîâüÿõ (ñì. êàðòó 10). Äîñòàòî íî õîðîøî èçâåñòíî, òî ïîä èìåíåì Rha íà ñòàðûõ êàðòàõ âûñòóïàåò Âîëãà. Òàê, íà êàðòàõ Ìåðêàòîðà (1595) èìååòñÿ çàïèñü: «Volga flu olim Rha» «Âîëãà-ïîòîê, ðàíåå Rha». Îðòåëèóñ óêàçàë â êà åñòâå íàçâàíèÿ Âîëãè Rha occidental «Çàïàäíûé ïîòîê» (ñð. Êàìà = Rha orientalis «Âîñòî íûé ïîòîê»). Â 1571 ã. íà êàðòå äå Æîäå Éåíêèíñîíà ðåêà â åå âåðõíåì òå åíèè íàçâàíà Volga Rha «Ïîòîê Âîëãà». Âñå ýòî ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò î òîì, òî â îäíîì èç äðåâíèõ ÿçûêîâ öåíòðàëüíîé Ðîññèè ñóùåñòâîâàë àïåëëÿòèâ *rha ~ *-ra ðåêà, ïîòîê. Â ïîëüçó ýòîãî çàêëþ åíèÿ ãîâîðÿò è òàêèå âàðèàíòû íàçâàíèé ðåê Ïðèî üÿ, êàê Âîéìèðà ~ Âîéìèãà [ÃÁÎ, 226] < *Vojmt rha ~ *Vojmt joãa (*rha è *joãa ðåêà ), Ñóõðà ~ Ñóõëà [ÃÁÎ, 197] Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

143 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ33 < *Suh rha ~ *Suhläj (*rha è läj ðåêà ), à òàêæå Íåâ ðà è Íåâ ëåé [ÃÁÎ, 223; 242, 264] (*rha è lej ðåêà ). Ïî ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèþ àðåàëà ìîæíî ñóäèòü î òîì, òî ôîðìàíò -ðà < *r(h)a ðåêà âîñõîäèò ê ïðîòîâîëæñêîìó ÿçûêó, êîòîðûé ëåæàë â îñíîâå è ìîðäîâñêîãî, è ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêîâ (ñì. êàðòó 10). Îá ýòîì æå ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò è òî, òî ðåêà ñ íàçâàíèåì Ðà (Âîëãà) áûëà èçâåñòíà óæå Êëàâäèþ Ïòîëåìåþ (îê ãã. í. ý.) [ÝÑÐß, I, 337], òåì ñàìûì íàçâàíèå Rha, íåñîìíåííî, ÿâëÿåòñÿ î åíü äðåâíèì, îòíîñÿùèìñÿ, ïî êðàéíåé ìåðå, ê ðàííåìó æåëåçíîìó âåêó. -ðà-òîïîôîðìàíòû íà áàññåéíå Îêè -ðà-ãèäðîíèì ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ äðåâíå-ìîðäîâñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Êàðòà 10. Ôîðìàíò -ðà Ïðîáëåìà çàêëþ àåòñÿ â òîì, òî ñîâðåìåííîå ìîðä. rav, rava ðåêà íåëüçÿ âîçâåñòè ê èñõîäíîé ôîðìå *r(h)a, êîòîðàÿ ïðîòèâîðå èò ôîíîòàêñèè ôèííîóãîðñêèõ ÿçûêîâ. Åñòü ïðåäïîëîæåíèå î òîì, òî â ñîâðåìåííûé ìîðäîâñêèé ÿçûê ñëîâî ïðèøëî èç èíäî-èðàí. *srava ïîòîê > rava [ÝÑÐß, I, 337]. Íà íàø âçãëÿä, åùå áîëåå âåðîÿòíîé âûãëÿäèò ñâÿçü rav è *r(h)a ñ èíäî-èðàíñêèì ñëîâîì, êîòîðîìó ñîîòâåòñòâóåò àâåñò. *ranha# [Òàì æå].  ýòîì ñëó àå íà àñòè Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

144 34 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ôèííî-óãîðñêîé ÿçûêîâîé òåððèòîðèè ìîãëî ñíà àëà ïðîèçîéòè âûïàäåíèå h, à ïîçäíåå, ïî òèïó ìîðäîâñêîãî ÿçûêà, â èíòåðâîêàëüíîé ïîçèöèè ïîñëå ãëàñíîãî çàäíåãî ðÿäà ïðîèçîøåë ïåðåõîä *N > v (ñð. ïðîòîóðàë. *kuni > ìîðä. kov ëóíà ). Â òî æå âðåìÿ â íåêîòîðûõ àñòÿõ äðåâíåé ÿçûêîâîé òåððèòîðèè ìîãëà ïðîèçîéòè è òðàíñôîðìàöèÿ *N > ø (ñð. ïðîòîóðàë. *janša > ìîðä. jaža ìîëîòü ) [Bartens, 1999, 49]. Âîçìîæíî, èçíà àëüíî óæäûé äëÿ óðàëüñêèõ ÿçûêîâ ëàðèíãàëüíûé h â ñî åòàíèè Nh ïîâåë ñåáÿ ïîäîáíî š â ñî åòàíèè Nš, ãäå, êàê èçâåñòíî èç èñòîðèè ÿçûêà, ïðîèçîøëî èçìåíåíèå *N > ø [Òàì æå, 49]. Òàêèì îáðàçîì, ôîíåòè åñêîå ðàçâèòèå ïðåäïîëàãàåìîãî íàìè èñõîäíîãî ñëîâà ìîãëî ïðîèçîéòè ïî îäíîé èç äâóõ ñõåì: *ranha# > *rana > rava èëè *ranha# > *raha > *rtha (> Rha è -ra â òîïîíèìèè). Ïîõîæå, òî íà ìàðèéñêîé ÿçûêîâîé òåððèòîðèè äðåâíèé àòðèáóò ëó øå ñîõðàíèë ñâîþ ïåðâîíà àëüíóþ ôîðìó íàïðèìåð, â íàçâàíèè ð. Ðîíãî (Ðåñïóáëèêà Ìàðèé Ýë) [ÂÃ, 2002, ]. Â äàëüíåéøåì, íàäî ïîëàãàòü, ïðèñóùåå âîëæñêèì ÿçûêàì *rav(a) ~ *r(t)ha áûëî çàìåíåíî â ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêå íà lej, läj Ìîðäâà â íèçîâüÿõ Êëÿçüìû Ê ñåâåðó àðåàë ìîðäîâñêîé òîïîíèìèè ðàñïðîñòðàíåí ãîðàçäî øèðå, åì èñòîðè åñêè èçâåñòíàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ ðàññåëåíèÿ ìîðäâû (ñì. êàðòó 6). Íà ðàñêîïêàõ â Ñàðñêîì ãîðîäèùå âáëèçè îç. Íåðî îáíàðóæåíû õàðàêòåðíûå äëÿ ìîðäâû ïðåäìåòû [Leont ev, 1996, 329], òî ìîæåò óêàçûâàòü íà åå òîðãîâûå ñâÿçè ñ ñåâåðíûìè òåððèòîðèÿìè. Â òî æå âðåìÿ òîïîíèìè åñêèå äàííûå ñâèäåòåëüñòâóþò, ñêîðåå, î ìèãðàöèè ýòîãî íàðîäà â ñåâåðíîì íàïðàâëåíèè. Íàðÿäó ñ àòðèáóòàìè ñëîæíûõ íàçâàíèé, íàëè èå ñâÿçåé äðåâíåé ìîðäâû ñ ñåâåðíûìè òåððèòîðèÿìè ïîäòâåðæäàåòñÿ ôîíåòè åñêèì ðàñïðåäåëåíèåì *e ~ e è *e > i, ñð. ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *påèä [PS, 553] > ìåðÿíî-ìóðîì. *peèe / *peèä è ìîðä. *pièe / *pièä ñîñíà (ñì. êàðòó 11). Ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêèå è ìîðäîâñêèå ýëåìåíòû ñîñåäñòâóþò â íèçîâüÿõ Êëÿçüìû è îêðåñòíîñòÿõ Ìóðîìà, ãäå â ðÿäå ñëó àåâ äëÿ îñíîâû îäíîãî è òîãî æå ãèäðîíèìà çàôèêñèðîâàíû âàðèàíòû Ïå - / Ïè -. Ñîîòâåòñòâåííî ðÿä ìåðÿíîìóðîìñêèõ ãèäðîíèìîâ âñòðå àåòñÿ è íà ìîðäîâñêèõ çåìëÿõ, â ðàéîíå ð. Ìîêøà (ñì. êàðòó 11). 4. Çàêëþ åíèå 4.1. Ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ Íåîáõîäèìî ïðèçíàòü, òî ïðèâåäåííûå â ðàçä. 2 ñïîñîáû èäåíòèôèêàöèè ìåðÿíñêîé òîïîíèìèè óêàçûâàþò íà áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûå ñâÿçè ìåðÿíñêîãî è ìóðîìñêîãî ÿçûêîâ, ÿâëÿâøèõñÿ, âèäèìî, äèàëåêòàìè îäíîãî ÿçûêà (ñì. êàðòó 5). Â ñâÿçè ñ ýòèì ñòîèò íàïîìíèòü, òî òîïîíèìèþ ìóðîìñêèõ çåìåëü ñ èòàë ìå- Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

145 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ35 ìåðÿí. *ïå å ñîñíà ìîðä. ïè å ñîñíà Êàðòà 11. Ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêîå påèå, ìîðäîâñêîå pièå / pièä ñîñíà ðÿíñêîé ïî ïðîèñõîæäåíèþ è Ì. Ôàñìåð [ñì.: Ðÿáèíèí, 1997, 150; ðèñ. 40 ïî Ôàñìåðó]. Ïðåäñòàâëÿåòñÿ äîñòîâåðíûì òàêæå óòâåðæäåíèå î òîì, òî â öåíòðå ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèÿ äüÿêîâñêîé êóëüòóðû (Ìîñêîâñêàÿ îáë.) ãîâîðèëè íà ÿçûêå, áëèçêîì ê ìåðÿíñêîìó. Âîçìîæíî, ðå ü èäåò î âåðõíå-âîëæñêîì ïðîòîÿçûêå, áîëåå ðàííåì, åì âî âðåìåíà äüÿêîâñêîé êóëüòóðû. Ê ýòîìó ïðîòîÿçûêó ìîãóò âîñõîäèòü ìåðÿíñêèé è ìóðîìñêèé, à òàêæå, âîçìîæíî, ÿçûê âîñòî íîé óäè è ñåâåðíûé ïåðèôåðèéíûé ÿçûê. Íà Âàëäàå, êàê áûëî ïîêàçàíî âûøå, èçâåñòíî íåêîòîðîå êîëè åñòâî òîïîíèìîâ, âîñõîäÿùèõ ê ÿçûêó, êîòîðûé áûë áëèçîê ìåðÿíñêîìó. Îäíàêî â ýòîì ñëó àå ðå ü èäåò, ñêîðåå, î áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûõ äèàëåêòàõ âîñòî íîé óäè 22. Òîïîíèìû, õàðàêòåðíûå äëÿ ìåðÿíñêèõ òåððèòîðèé, ïðåîáëàäàþò â ðàéîíå ñåâåðíûõ îçåð (Áåëîå Êóáåíñêîå Âîæå), òî îòìå àë è À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ [2001, 119].  Îáîíåæüå è áàññåéíå Îíåãè òàêæå áûë ðàñïðîñòðàíåí ÿçûê, êîòîðûé ÿâëÿëñÿ ëèáî äèàëåêòîì ìåðÿíñêîãî, ëèáî áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûì åìó ÿçûêîì. 22 Îòäåëüíàÿ ñòàòüÿ, ïîñâÿùåííàÿ ýòîé ÿçûêîâîé ãðóïïå, â íàñòîÿùåå âðåìÿ ãîòîâèòñÿ ê ïóáëèêàöèè [Rahkonen, 2011]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

146 36 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ Ïðè òîì, òî ìåðÿíñêèé è ìóðîìñêèé áûëè, âèäèìî, áëèçêîðîäñòâåííûìè ÿçûêàìè, â òîïîíèìèè ïðîñëåæèâàþòñÿ èõ îòäåëüíûå ðàçëè èÿ: ñð., íàïðèìåð, ìåðÿí. Óõòà, Âåêñà è -îãà, -åãà (< *joga), êîòîðûì íà ìóðîìñêîé òåððèòîðèè ñîîòâåòñòâóþò Âîõòà, Âûêñà è -þãà, -óãà (< *juga). Ôîíåòè åñêèé ñîñòàâ ìåðÿíî-ìóðîìñêîãî ÿçûêà, ïî êðàéíåé ìåðå â îáëàñòè ãëàñíûõ, äîñòàòî íî áëèçîê ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêî-ñààìñêîìó ïðàÿçûêó, à çíà- èò, è ðåêîíñòðóèðîâàííîìó ôèíñêî-ïåðìñêîìó ïðàÿçûêó. Ýòî ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò îá àðõàè íîì õàðàêòåðå ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà. Âîçìîæíî, â ñèëó ñâîåãî ãåîãðàôè- åñêîãî ìåñòîïîëîæåíèÿ ìåðÿ íå èñïûòàëà òàêîãî çíà èòåëüíîãî âëèÿíèÿ ñîïðåäåëüíûõ ÿçûêîâ, êàêîå èñïûòàëè ìàðèéöû, ìîðäâà è ïðèáàëòèéñêèå ôèííû. Ïîýòîìó â ëåêñè åñêîì ñîñòàâå ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêà ñîõðàíèëèñü íåêîòîðûå ñëîâà, óòðà åííûå ïðèáàëòèéñêî-ôèíñêèìè è ìîðäîâñêèì ÿçûêàìè, íî îñòàâøèåñÿ â óãîðñêèõ, íàïðèìåð *uktíι äîðîãà, ïóòü, âîëîê è *jänkä áîëîòî (â ìåðÿíñêîé òîïîíèìèè Óõò- è ßíã-). Ðÿä èñòîðè åñêèõ èçìåíåíèé â ìåðÿíñêîì ÿçûêå íàõîäèò àíàëîãèè â èñòîðèè ñààìñêîãî ÿçûêà, ñð. ìåðÿí. *jäãrä / *jäãra è ïðîòîñààì. *ja#vre# < *jäkrä ( îçåðî ); ìåðÿí. *vol(o) è ïðîòîñààì. *vo#le# < *ala ( íèæíèé ). Îáùåé åðòîé ìîðäîâñêîãî è ìåðÿíñêîãî ÿçûêîâ ÿâëÿåòñÿ, â àñòíîñòè, îçâîí åíèå ñèáèëÿíòà âòîðîãî ñëîãà â èíòåðâîêàëüíîé ïîçèöèè, ñð. ìåðÿí. *väz(ä), ìîðä. vež- < ôèííîâîëæ. *väšä. Â òî æå âðåìÿ â ìåðÿíñêîì è ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêàõ ñóùåñòâóåò îáùåå ñëîâî *vere ~ veà âåðõíèé, êîòîðîå íå âñòðå àåòñÿ â ýòîì çíà åíèè â äðóãèõ ñîâðåìåííûõ ôèííî-óãîðñêèõ ÿçûêàõ Ìîðäîâñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ Äðåâíåìîðäîâñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò î òîì, òî ñîçäàâøèé åå íàðîä (ïðîòîìîðäâà?) áûë ðàññåëåí çíà èòåëüíî çàïàäíåå ñîâðåìåííîé òåððèòîðèè ïðîæèâàíèÿ ìîðäâû. Îñîáåííî çíà èìûì ÿâëÿåòñÿ ñêîïëåíèå «çàïàäíîé» òîïîíèìèè ìåæäó Ìîñêâîé, Êàëóãîé è Ðÿçàíüþ (ñì. êàðòó 6): íàëè èå ìîðäîâñêèõ àòðèáóòîâ ãîâîðèò î òîì, òî çäåñü íåêîãäà ïðîæèâàëà äðåâíÿÿ ìîðäâà. Â ýòîì «çàïàäíîì» àðåàëå îáðàùàåò íà ñåáÿ âíèìàíèå îòñóòñòâèå òîïîîñíîâ, èçâåñòíûõ â ñîâðåìåííîì ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêå, eàke îçåðî è lej ðåêà. Â îáîçíà åíèè ðåêè, â àñòíîñòè, çäåñü îòìå åíû ñëîâà *rav è *juga, êîòîðûå èìåþò ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ â ñîâðåìåííîì ìîðäîâñêîì ÿçûêå: rav(a) ïîòîê, Âîëãà [MW, 3, 1885] è jov (ýðç.) ðåêà Ìîêøà [MW, 1, 532], ñð. ïðîòîôèííî-ïåðì. *juka > *jogtß > ìîðä. jov [ñì. Bartens, 1999, 38, 56]. Ñðåäîòî èå òîïîíèìîâ â îáëàñòè Êàëóãè è Ñåðïóõîâà òàêæå îòíîñèòñÿ ê þæíûì öåíòðàì äüÿêîâñêîé êóëüòóðû. Çäåñü çàïàäíàÿ ìîðäâà ïðîæèâàëà â òåñíîì ñîñåäñòâå ñ áàëòèéñêîé ãîëÿäüþ, îò êîòîðîé çàèìñòâîâàëà ìèôîëîãèþ [Harva, 1942], â ñâÿçè ñ åì ñð. ìîðä. puàgiñe, piàgiñe ãðîì è áàëò. (ëèò.) perku#nija [SSA, 2, 340; MW, 2, 1853]. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

147 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ37 Äðåâíåìîðäîâñêàÿ òåððèòîðèÿ Êàðòà 12. Äðåâíåìîðäîâñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ â áàññåéíå Îêè Ïðåèìóùåñòâåííî äðåâíåìîðäîâñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ êîíöåíòðèðóåòñÿ íà ïðàâîì (þæíîì) áåðåãó Îêè, ïåðåñåêàÿ åå â ðàéîíå Ñåðïóõîâà è â Êàëóæñêîé îáë., à òàêæå â íèçîâüÿõ Êëÿçüìû. Íåñîìíåííî, ïðèâåäåííûå äàííûå îòíþäü íå îçíà- àþò, òî çàïàäíûå ôîðìû ÿâëÿþòñÿ íàïðÿìóþ (ïðîòî)ìîðäîâñêèìè. Ðå ü ìîæåò èäòè î áëèçêîðîäñòâåííîì ìîðäîâñêîìó, íî ñàìîñòîÿòåëüíîì ÿçûêå.  òî æå âðåìÿ íàçâàíèÿ íà -eàke (ñì. êàðòó 7) â ëþáîì ñëó àå óêàçûâàþò íà òî, òî íà çàïàäå ìîðäîâñêèé ÿçûê ðàñïðîñòðàíÿëñÿ âïëîòü äî Ðÿçàíè è ðåê Ïàðà è Ïðà. Íàçâàíèÿ ýòèõ ðåê, î åâèäíî, òîæå ÿâëÿþòñÿ ìîðäîâñêèìè ïî ïðîèñõîæäåíèþ, ñð. ìîêø. para õîðîøèé, ýðç. pàa ãîëîâà, çàäíÿÿ àñòü [MW, 3, 1545, 1796]. Íàøè òîïîíèìè åñêèå íàáëþäåíèÿ âîçìîæíî ïîäòâåðäèòü íåêîòîðûìè èñòîðè åñêèìè äàííûìè. Òàê, â ñëó àå, åñëè ïóòåâûå çàìåòêè âåíãåðñêîãî ìîíàõà Þëèàíà (XIII â.) ñîäåðæàò äîñòîâåðíûå ñâåäåíèÿ è åãî ïóòü íà êîðàáëå ïðîëåãàë ïî Îêå 23, òî àñòü ìîðäîâñêèõ çåìåëü äîëæíà áûëà áûòü øèðå è ðàñïîëàãàòüñÿ 23  òî âðåìÿ äåéñòâèòåëüíî íå áûëî äðóãîãî âîäíîãî ïóòè èç Áîëãàð â Âåíãðèþ, êðîìå êàê åðåç ìîðäîâñêèå çåìëè ïî Îêå äî Äíåïðà. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

148 38 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ çíà èòåëüíî çàïàäíåå ñîâðåìåííîé ìîðäîâñêîé òåððèòîðèè âäîëü âñåé Îêè, ò. ê. ýòîò ïóòü çàíÿë 15 äíåé [ñì.: MUL, 1993; Klima, 1996]. Åñëè ïðåäïîëîæèòü, òî çà äåíü ñóäíî ïðåîäîëåâàëî ðàññòîÿíèå â 30 êì, òî âïîëíå âåðîÿòíî, òî ìîðäîâñêèå ïîñåëåíèÿ äîëæíû áûëè ïðîñòèðàòüñÿ ââåðõ ïî Îêå ïî òè íà 500 êì. Ïðîòÿæåííîñòü Îêè ñîñòàâëÿåò îê êì, ò. å. Þëèàí, âîçìîæíî, îïèñûâàåò ïóòü, êîòîðûé ïðîõîäèë îò óñòüÿ T øè äî Ðÿçàíè (ñð. àðåàë íàçâàíèé íà -eàke, êàðòà 7) Câÿçè è ñîîòâåòñòâèÿ ìåæäó ìåðÿíñêèì, ìóðîìñêèì è ìîðäîâñêèì ÿçûêàìè Îáîáùàÿ ëèíãâèñòè åñêèå ðåçóëüòàòû äàííîãî èññëåäîâàíèÿ, ïðèâåäåì âûÿâëåííûå íàìè ôîíåòè åñêèå è ëåêñè åñêèå êîððåëÿöèè ìåæäó èçó àåìûìè ÿçûêàìè â ñâîäíîé òàáëèöå. Çíà åíèå ñëîâà Ìåðÿíñêèé ÿçûê Ìóðîìñêèé ÿçûê Ìîðäîâñêèé ÿçûê Îçåðî ÿõð-, -õðà < *jäãra / ÿõð-, -õðà < *jäãra / -åðõè < åàkå *jäãrä *jäãrä Ðåêà -îãà, -åãà < *jogv þã, -þãà, -óãà < *jugv -ëåé, -ëÿé < lej, läj Âåðõíèé âåðå- < *vere èëå- < *ile (?*üle) âåð- < våà èëå- < *ile (?*üle) âåë- < vål Íèæíèé âîë(î)- < *volo âîë(î)- < *volo àë- < alo, ala Âîëîê óõò- < *u tv âîõò- < *vo tv êèðüã- < kiàga Áîëüøîé âîí- < on- < *enä âîí- < on- < *enä èí- < iñå / iñä Ìàëûé âÿç- < *väzä âÿç- < *väzä âåøê-, âèøê-, âåæ- < våš ka, viš ka, våž- Â êîíå íîì èòîãå, åñëè ñîïîñòàâèòü ìåòîäû è âûâîäû äàííîãî èññëåäîâàíèÿ è ðàáîò À. Ê. Ìàòâååâà, òî îñíîâíûå ðàçëè èÿ çàêëþ àþòñÿ â ñëåäóþùåì. Âî-ïåðâûõ, ìû ñòðåìèëèñü ê âûÿâëåíèþ òåõ çàêîíîìåðíîñòåé â òîïîíèìèè, êîòîðûå îáóñëîâëåíû èñòîðè åñêîé ôîíåòèêîé, òîãäà êàê À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ íå âñåãäà ýòî ó èòûâàåò. Ñ íàøåé òî êè çðåíèÿ, åñëè ìû óòâåðæäàåì, òî òå èëè èíûå òîïîíèìû èìåþò ìåðÿíñêîå ïðîèñõîæäåíèå, òî ñëîâà, ëåæàùèå â èõ îñíîâå, äîëæíû ñîîòíîñèòüñÿ ñ ïðîòîÿçûêîâûìè äàííûìè ïî åäèíîé ñõåìå. Âî-âòîðûõ, â íàøåì èññëåäîâàíèè áîëüøå âíèìàíèÿ, åì ó À. Ê. Ìàòâååâà, óäåëåíî ðàñïðîñòðàíåíèþ òîïîíèìèè â öåíòðàëüíûõ àñòÿõ ìåðÿíñêèõ àðåàëîâ. Íå ïðèíÿâ â ðàñ- åò ýòè äàííûå, À. Ê. Ìàòâååâ ñîïîñòàâëÿë ãëàâíûì îáðàçîì ìåðÿíñêèå è ìàðèéñêèå òîïîíèìû, â ðåçóëüòàòå åãî èì áûëî ñäåëàíî îøèáî íîå, íà íàø âçãëÿä, çàêëþ åíèå î áëèçêîì ðîäñòâå ìåðÿíñêîãî è ìàðèéñêîãî ÿçûêîâ. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

149 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ39 Àãååâà Ð. À. Ãèäðîíèìèÿ Ðóññêîãî Ñåâåðî-Çàïàäà êàê èñòî íèê êóëüòóðíî-èñòîðè åñêîé èíôîðìàöèè. Ì., Àëüêâèñò À. Ìåðÿíñêàÿ ïðîáëåìà íà ôîíå ìíîãîñëîéíîñòè òîïîíèìèè // Âîïð. ÿçûêîçíàíèÿ ¹ 6. Ñ Àëüêâèñò À. Ìåðÿíå, íå ìåðÿíå... // Âîïð. ÿçûêîçíàíèÿ. 2000à. ¹ 2. Ñ Àëüêâèñò À. Ìåðÿíå, íå ìåðÿíå... // Âîïð. ÿçûêîçíàíèÿ. 2000á. ¹ 3. Ñ Àëüêâèñò À. Ñóáñòðàòíàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ ßðîñëàâñêîãî Ïîâîëæüÿ // Î åðêè èñòîðè åñêîé ãåîãðàôèè: Ñåâåðî-Çàïàä Ðîññèè: Ñëàâÿíå è ôèííû : ñá. íàó. òð. / ïîä ðåä. À. Ñ. Ãåðäà, Ã. Ñ. Ëåáåäåâà. ÑÏá., Ñ Àëüêâèñò À. Î ñëåäàõ ôèííî-óãîðñêîé êóëüòóðû íà ßðîñëàâñêîé çåìëå (íà îñíîâå äàííûõ òîïîíèìèè) // Ðîëü òâîð åñêîé ëè íîñòè â ðàçâèòèè êóëüòóðû ïðîâèíöèàëüíîãî ãîðîäà. ßðîñëàâëü, Ñ Àôàíàñüåâ À. Ï. Òîïîíèìèÿ ðåñïóáëèêè Êîìè: Ñëîâàðü-ñïðàâî íèê. Ñûêòûâêàð, Âàñèëüåâ Â. Ë. Àðõàè åñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ Íîâãîðîäñêîé çåìëè. (Äðåâíåñëàâÿíñêèå äåàíòðîïîíèìíûå îáðàçîâàíèÿ). Âåëèêèé Íîâãîðîä, Âà Âîðîíöîâà Î. Ï., Ãàëêèí È. Ñ. Òîïîíèìèêà Ðåñïóáëèêè Ìàðèé Ýë: Èñòîðèêî-ýòèìîëîãè- åñêèé àíàëèç. Éîøêàð-Îëà, Äåðÿãèí Â. ß., Äåðÿãèíà Ç. Ñ., Ìàíèõèí Ã. È. Òîïîíèìèêà Êåíîçåðà Àðõàíãåëüñê, Ãàëêèí È. Ñ. Òîïîíèìè åñêèå ýòèìîëîãèè // Âîïð. ìàðèéñêîé îíîìàñòèêè. Âûï Éîøêàð- Îëà, ÃÁÎ Ñìîëèöêàÿ Ã. Ï. Ãèäðîíèìèÿ áàññåéíà Îêè. Ì., Ãîðäååâ Ô. È. Î êîíòàêòàõ ïîçäíåñàðìàòñêèõ ïëåìåí ñ âîëæñêî-ïåðìñêèìè ýòíè åñêèìè ãðóïïàìè // Âîïð. ìàðèéñêîé îíîìàñòèêè. Âûï. 7. Éîøêàð-Îëà, Ãðîìîâ À. Â. Æãîíñêèé ÿçûê: Ñëîâàðü ëåêñèêè ïèìîêàòîâ Ìàêàðüåâñêîãî, Ìàíòóðîâñêîãî è Íåéñêîãî ðàéîíîâ Êîñòðîìñêîé îáëàñòè. Ì., Èíæåâàòîâ È. Ê. Òîïîíèìè åñêèé ñëîâàðü Ìîðäîâñêîé ÑÑÐ. Ñàðàíñê, Ëûòêèí Â. È., Ãóëÿåâ Å. Ñ. Êðàòêèé ýòèìîëîãè åñêèé ñëîâàðü êîìè ÿçûêà. Ñûêòûâêàð, Ìàòâååâ À. Ê. Ñóáñòðàòíàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ Ðóññêîãî Ñåâåðà è ìåðÿíñêàÿ ïðîáëåìà // Âîïð. ÿçûêîçíàíèÿ ¹ 1. Ñ Ìàòâååâ À. Ê. Ìåðÿíñêàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ íà Ðóññêîì Ñåâåðå ôàíòîì èëè ôåíîìåí? // Âîïð. ÿçûêîçíàíèÿ ¹ 5. Ñ Ìàòâååâ À. Ê. Ñóáñòðàòíàÿ òîïîíèìèÿ Ðóññêîãî Ñåâåðà.. 1. Åêàòåðèíáóðã, 2001;. 2. Åêàòåðèíáóðã, Ìàòâååâ À. Ê. Îíîìàòîëîãèÿ. Ì., Ìóëëîíåí È. È. Òîïîíèìèÿ Ïðèñâèðüÿ: Ïðîáëåìû ýòíîÿçûêîãî êîíòàêòèðîâàíèÿ. Ïåòðîçàâîäñê, ÌÔÌ Ìîéñèî À. Ìàðëà-Ôèíëà ìóòåð. Éîøêàð-Îëà, ÏÂË Ïîâåñòü âðåìåííûõ ëåò / Ïîëíîå ñîáðàíèå ðóññêèõ ëåòîïèñåé. Ì., Ò Ïîïîâ À. È. Òîïîíèìèêà äðåâíèõ ìåðÿíñêèõ è ìóðîìñêèõ îáëàñòåé // Ãåîãðàôè åñêàÿ ñðåäà è ãåîãðàôè åñêèå íàçâàíèÿ. Ë., Ñ Ðÿáèíèí Å. À. Ôèííî-óãîðñêèå ïëåìåíà â ñîñòàâå Äðåâíåé Ðóñè. ÑÏá., ÑÃÁÑ Ìóëëîíåí È. È., Àçàðîâà È. Â., Ãåðä À. Ñ. Ñëîâàðü ãèäðîíèìîâ þãî-âîñòî íîãî Ïðèëàäîæüÿ: áàññåéí ðåêè Ñâèðü. ÑÏá., ÑÌß Ñëîâàðü ìàðèéñêîãî ÿçûêà : â 10 ò. Éîøêàð-Îëà, Ñîêîëîâà Ì. À. Î åðêè ïî èñòîðè åñêîé ãðàììàòèêå ðóññêîãî ÿçûêà. Ì., Òêà åíêî Î. Á. Ìåðÿíñêèé ÿçûê. Êèåâ, Òêà åíêî Î. Á. Èññëåäîâàíèÿ ïî ìåðÿíñêîìó ÿçûêó. Êîñòðîìà, Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

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151 ÐÀÑÏÐÎÑÒÐÀÍÅÍÈÅ ÌÅÐßÍÎ-ÌÓÐÎÌÑÊÈÕ È ÄÐÅÂÍÅÌÎÐÄÎÂÑÊÈÕ ÃÈÄÐÎÍÈÌΠ41 Pokorny J. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Bern : Francke, PS Sammallahti P. Historical phonology of the Uralic languages // The Uralic languages / ed. D. Sinor. Leiden ; N. Y., Ñ Rahkonen P. The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe and Principle Areas of Settlement // Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen, 60. Helsinki, Ð Rahkonen P. Finno-Ugric Hydronyms of the River Volkhov and Luga Catchment Areas // Suomalais- Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja, 93 (ãîòîâèòñÿ ê èçäàíèþ â 2011 ã.). Ravila P. ANZEIGER: Max Vasmer Beiträge zur historischen Völkerkunde Osteuropas III. Merja und Tscheremissen // Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen, 24. Helsinki, Ravila P. POLEMIK: Merja und Tscheremissen // Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen, 26. Helsinki, Saarikivi J. Finnic Personal Names on Novgorod Birch Bark Documents. The slavicization of the Russian North. J. Nuorluoto (toim.) // Slavica Helsingensia, 32. Helsinki, 2007à. Ð Saarikivi J. On the Uralic substrate toponomy of Arkhangelsk region: problems of research methodology and ethnohistorical interpretation // Onomastica Uralica. 4. Debrecen ; Helsinki, 2007b. Ñ SP Suomen Paikannimikirja / päätoimittaja S. Paikkala. Karttakeskus. Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus, SSA Suomen sanojen alkuperä. Etymologinen sanakirja. 1 3 / E. Itkonen päätoimittaja. Helsinki, UEW Redej K. Uralisches Etymologisches Wörtebuch. Budapest, USS Maksimov S., Danilov V., Saarinen S. Udmurttilais-suomalainen sanakirja. Turun yliopiston suomalaisen ja yleisen kielitieteen laitoksen julkaisuja. Turku, Vasmer M. Beiträge zur historischen Völkerkunde Osteuropas. I IV. Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften. Berlin, Còàðûå êàðòû Bleau W., Bleau J., Gerritz H. (1614). Novvs Atlas, Tabvla Rvssiae. Amsterdam. de Jode C., Jenkinson A. (1593). Speculum Orbis terræ. Moscoviæ maximi amplissimi que dvcatvs. Antverpen. Mercator G. (1595). Atlas sive cosmographicae, Russia cum confinijs. Amsterdam. Ortelius A., Jenkinson A. (1571). Theatvm orbis terrarum, Russiæ, Moscoviæ et Tartariæ descriptio. Amsterdam London. Cîâðåìåííûå êàðòû è àòëàñû ÀÂÎ Àòëàñ Âîëîãîäñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). ÑÏá. : ÔÃÓÏ «Àýðîãåîäåçèÿ», ÀÊÎ Àòëàñ Êîñòðîìñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). Òâåðü : Ðîñêàðòîãðàôèÿ, ÀÌÎ Àòëàñ Ìîñêîâñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). Ì. : Ðîñêàðòîãðàôèÿ, ÀÍÎ Àòëàñ Íîâãîðîäñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). ÔÃÓÏ «Íîâãîðîäñêîå àýðîãåîäåçè åñêîå ïðåäïðèÿòèå», ÀÐÎ Àòëàñ Ðÿçàíñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). Ì. : Ðîñêàðòîãðàôèÿ, ÀÑÎ Àòëàñ Ñìîëåíñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). Ì. : Ðîñêàðòîãðàôèÿ, ÀÒÎ Àòëàñ Òâåðñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). Ì. : Ðîñêàðòîãðàôèÿ, ÀßÎ Àòëàñ ßðîñëàâñêîé îáëàñòè (1: ). Ì. : Ðîñêàðòîãðàôèÿ, ÃÓÃÊ ÑÑÑÐ: Îíåãà (1: ). Ë. : ÃÓÃÊ, ÃÓÃÊ ÑÑÑÐ: Êîòëàñ (1: ). Ë. : ÃÓÃÊ, ÎÀÎ Îáùåãåîãðàôè åñêèå êàðòû Ðîññèéñêîé Ôåäåðàöèè: Àðõàíãåëüñêàÿ îáëàñòü (1: ). Ôåäåðàëüíàÿ ñëóæáà ãåîäåçèè è êàðòîãðàôèè Ðîññèè, ÎÍÎ Îáùåãåîãðàôè åñêèå êàðòû Ðîññèéñêîé Ôåäåðàöèè: Íèæåãîðîäñêàÿ îáëàñòü (1: ). Ôåäåðàëüíàÿ ñëóæáà ãåîäåçèè è êàðòîãðàôèè Ðîññèè, Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

152 42 Ï. ÐÀÕÊÎÍÅÍ ÒÊÐÊ Òîïîãðàôè åñêàÿ êàðòà: Ðåñïóáëèêà Êàðåëèÿ (1: ). ÂÒÓ ÃØ, GT Tiekartasto (1: , 1: ). Helsinki : Karttakeskus, Ðóêîïèñü ïîñòóïèëà â ðåäàêöèþ ã. P. Rahkonen University of Helsinki (Finland) pauli.rahkonen@gmail.com MERYA-MUROMIAN AND OLD MORDVIN HYDRONYMS BOUNDARIES IN THE UPPER VOLGA AND OKA REGIONS Key words: Finno-Ugric languages, substrate toponymy, Oka basin, Upper Volga, Merya-Muromian hydronymy, Merya-Muromian area, Old Mordvin hydronymy, Old Mordvin area. The article explores the toponymy of the Merya, Muromians and Old Mordvins, Finno- Ugric peoples, formerly inhabiting Central Russia. With reference to annalistic and archaeological data, along with a number of the most representative attributes and formants, the author concludes that the Merya and Muromian languages were kindred and localized within the boundaries of five areas, namely, Rostov-Kostroma, Murom, Dyakovo, North Lake District, and northern periphery. According the author, Old Mordvins settled a lot farther west than do modern Mordvins. Âîïðîñû îíîìàñòèêè ¹ 1 (12)

153 Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä Pauli Rahkonen 1 Johdanto Tämä artikkeli käsittelee eräitä Suomen nimistön sellaisia hydronyymejä, joiden kielellinen alkuperä on tähänastisessa tutkimuksessa jäänyt tuntemattomaksi. 1 Tätä nimiaineistoa kutsun Jalo Kaliman (1942) mukaisesti termillä x-kielinen nimistö. Perustelen käyttämääni termiä sillä, että matematiikasta lainattu x voi tarkoittaa jotain, mikä on määrällisesti tai sisällöllisesti tuntematonta, jolloin kieliä voi olla useampia ja ne voivat olla varsin heterogeenisia. Useimmat jäljempänä tutkittavista nimityypeistä on valittu sillä perusteella, että niiden etymologiat ovat säännönmukaisen topografiaansa pohjautuvan nimeämismotiivinsa tähden mahdollisia selvittää ja niillä on vastineita Pohjois-Venäjällä. Muutamat -(V)ri-loppuiset järvennimet on otettu tarkasteltavaksi, koska niihin liittyvät nimikannat ovat läpinäkymättömiä ja ne ovat asiakirjatietojenki n valossa hyvin vanhoja. Suomalaisen paikannimikirjan (SPK) mainitsemien 85:n pintaalaltaan Suomen suurimman järven joukosta noin neljännes on SPK:n kirjoittajien arvioiden mukaan etymologisesti läpinäkymättömiä. 2 Vaikka SPK:n ratkaisuista voisi olla toisinaan eri mieltä, on epäilemättä olemassa hyvin merkittävä hydro nyymien joukko, jota ei selvästi voi johtaa Suomessa puhutuista tunnetuista kielistä (suomi, karjala, saame, ruotsi). Tällaisten hydronyymien suuri määrä herättää monia kysymyksiä, joista keskeisiä tässä artikkelissa ovat: 1) Viittaako Suomen alueen etymologisesti läpinäkymätön vesistönimistö johonkin muinaiseen tuntemattomaan paleoeurooppalaiseen kieleen? 2) Onko Suomessa puhuttu jotain tuntematonta uralilaista kieltä? 1. Kiitän artikkelin arvioijia, jotka ovat antaneet arvokkaita korjausehdotuksia alkuperäiseen käsikirjoitukseen. 2. Suuruusjärjestys perustuu Suomen ympäristöhallinnon tietoihin. virittäjä 1/2013 s

154 3) Perustuvatko kielelliseltä alkuperältään opaakit nimet nykykielissä (suomi, karjala ja saame) tai niiden varhaisemmissa kielimuodoissa muinoin esiintyneisiin, mutta sittemmin kadonneisiin sanoihin? 4) Mikäli nämä nimet ovat peräisin tuntemattomasta lähteestä, niin millaisista ja mistä suunnasta tapahtuneista kielellisistä vaikutusaalloista kyseisten hydronyymien tarjoama evidenssi saattaisi todistaa? Artikkeli rakentuu siten, että tutkimushistorian ja metodien esittelemisen jälkeen tarkastelen opaakkia nimistöä, jonka etymologia on selvitettävissä säännönmukaisen topografiansa perusteella. Tällaisia nimiä ovat kannaksiin ja veto taipaleisiin liittyvät vesistö nimet, joissa esiintyy kantauralista johdettavissa oleva nimikanta uht(v)-, oht(v)- ja V(u)oht(V)- < *ukti, sekä välijokiin liittyvät nimet, jotka palautuvat suomalais permiläisessä kielentasossa asuun *viksi (tai ehkä *veksi) > vieks(v)-, viiks(v) ja luultavasti myös vääksy. Näiden lisäksi tarkastelen S(u)ont-/Sond- ja Kem(V)-nimikantoja, joiden levikki ulottuu Suomesta itään aina Vologdan, Rybinskin ja Kostroman alueille. Lopuksi käsittelen Suomessa esiintyviä -ari-, -äri- ja -ereloppuisia järvien nimiä, joiden joukosta olen poiminut tarkemmin tutkittaviksi nimet Inari, Ähtäri, Koitere ja Syväri. Aivan viimeiseksi vertailen esiteltyä nimistöä arkeologian tutkimus tuloksiin. 3 2 Tutkimushistoriaa Eero Kiviniemi (1980: ) on esittänyt, että Suomen nimistö voi teoriassa olla peräisin neljästä mahdollisesta tunnetusta kielellisestä lähteestä: suomesta, saamesta, skandinaavis-germaanisista ja balttilaisista kielistä. Näistä viimeksi mainittujen osuutta hän pitää käytännössä vähäisenä. Näyttääkin siltä, että balttilaisperäistä nimistöä ei Suomen alueella esiinny. Lisäksi Kiviniemi viittaa mahdollisiin tuntemattomiin esihistoriallisiin kieliin (mp.). Jatkosodan ( ) aikana Kalimaa (1942) kiinnosti Itä-Karjalassa esiintyvä epä itämerensuomalainen ja epäsaamelainen paikannimistö. Hän käytti termiä x-kieli ja viittasi paikannimistön yhtäläisyyksiin merjalaisalueilla. Hän pani merkille Karjalan ja myös Suomen paikannimistössä esiintyviä hämäriä nimiä, kuten Kemi, Kianta, Uhtua ym., joita läheisesti muistuttavien nimien levikki ulottuu Venäjällä kauas itään tai kaakkoon. Vaikka Kaliman artikkeli onkin julkaistu sanomalehdessä eikä siksi edusta varsinaisesti tieteellistä julkaisutoimintaa, sisältää artikkeli kuitenkin tieteellisesti pätevää nimien fonetiikkaan ja levintään liittyvää argumentointia. Käsittelen jäljempänä pääosin alkuperältään uralilaisiin kieliin pohjautuvia hydronyymejä, mutta tässä yhteydessä on kuitenkin syytä viitata Suomessa muinoin esiintyneisiin mahdollisiin paleoeurooppalaisiin kieliin. Paul Ariste (1971) on aikanaan 3. Tässä artikkelissa on noudatettu kyrilliikan ns. tieteellistä translitterointia (scientific transliteration). 6 virittäjä 1/2013

155 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä herättänyt kysymyksen Suomen alueella esiintyvästä alkuperältään tuntemattomaksi jääneestä substraattinimistöstä. Janne Saarikivi (2004a) taas on puuttunut nimistössäkin esiintyvään maastotermeihin liittyvään sanastoon, jolle ei ole löytynyt luotettavaa etymo logista taustaa. Hän on esittänyt hypoteesin Suomessa esiintyneestä paleoeurooppalaisesta muinais kielestä. Ante Aikion samana vuonna (2004) julkaistu artikkeli pohjoiskalotin tuntemattomaan kieleen pohjautuvasta substraattinimistöstä on todistus voimaltaan kiistaton. Kieli, josta peräisin olevia nimiä Aikio (ma.) on esitellyt, ei voi olla uralilainen. Kysymys opaakin nimistön alkuperästä liittyy jossain määrin myös keskusteluun maahanmuutto- ja jatkuvuusteorioista. Koska tämän artikkelin tarkoitus ei ole ensisijaisesti ottaa kantaa kyseiseen keskusteluun, käsittelen tutkimushistoriaa tältä osin vain lyhyesti. Maahanmuuttoteorian mukaan suomalaisten esi-isät saapuivat Suomeen vasta roomalaisella rautakaudella ajanlaskumme ensimmäisillä vuosisadoilla. Jatkuvuus teorian mukaan taas suomalaisten esi-isien asutusjatkuvuus ulotetaan kauas kivikaudelle. Esimerkiksi Christian Carpelan (2006: 85) on sijoittanut Suomen kielellisen uralilaistumisen tyypillisen kampakeramiikan alkuun noin 3900 ekr. Kysymys suomalaisten alkuperästä heräsi 1800-luvun lopulla. Syntyi käsitys, jonka mukaan suomalaiset muuttivat etelästä Suomeen. Tässä yhteydessä viitataan usein arkeologi Alfred Hackmaniin (1905) varhaisena maahanmuuttoteorian esittäjänä. Lopullisesti tämä käsitys kanonisoitui Ella Kivikosken artikkelissa Suomen Esihistoria (1961). Jatkuvuusteorian eräänä isänä taas voi pitää arkeologi Carl F. Meinanderia (1969). Jatkuvuus teorian mukaan suomalaisten esi-isät olivat asuneet Suomessa jo kivi kaudella. Meinanderin esittämä teoria alkoi syrjäyttää kauan vallinneen maahanmuutto teorian ja tuli laajasti hyväksytyksi Tvärminnen (1980, ks. TVS 1984) ja Lammin (1997, ks. PP 1999) symposiumeissa. Viimeaikaisimpiin arkeologien näkemyksiin voi tarkemmin tutustua lukemalla Carpelanin artikkelit (1999, 2006; Carpelan & Parpola 2001), Lavennon tekstiilikeramiikkaa koskevan väitöskirjan Textile Ceramics in Finland and on the Karelian Isthmus (2001) ja Huurteen kansantajuisen kirjan vuotta Suomen esihistoriaa (1995). Viime vuosina jatkuvuusteoriaa ovat kritisoineet esimerkiksi Aikio ja Aikio (2001) sekä Jaakko Häkkinen (2010a, 2010b). Lingvisteistä jatkuvuusteoriaa ovat kannattaneet muun muassa Jorma Koivulehto (2006) ja Pekka Sammallahti (mm. 1999: 88 89). Terho Itkonen on käsitellyt aihetta monissa artikkeleissaan, joista viimeisimmäksi jäi FUF:ssa julkaistu Reflections on Pre-Uralic and the Saami-Finnic protolanguage (1997). Myös Itkosta voi pitää jatkuvuus teorian kannattajana (mm. mas. 232). Petri Kallio (2009) ei ulota asutusjatkuvuutta kivi kaudelle, mutta kuitenkin varhaiselle metallikaudelle ( ekr.). 4 Tapani Salminen (1999: 21 23), kuten Kalliokin (2006), on olettanut Suomen alueen uralilais tumisen tapahtuneen suhteellisen myöhään. Tästä loogisesti seuraa, että on välttämätöntä olettaa uralilaista aikaa varhaisemman kivikautisen väestön puhuneen jotain tuntematonta epäuralilaista kieltä. Tietenkään jatkuvuusteoriakaan ei sulje pois mahdollisuutta, että jokin hyvin varhainen paleoeurooppalainen kieli on voinut jät 4. Kallio (2006: 16 19) on esittänyt, että Suomi uralilaistui vasta varhaiselta metallikaudelta alkaen (n ekr.). virittäjä 1/2013 7

156 tää kielellisiä jälkiä niin suomen kielen sanastoon kuin Suomen nimistöönkin. Aikio (2006: 45, kartta 1) on esittänyt, että esisuomen ja esisaamen aikakaudella Suomessa puhuttiin laajalti jotain tuntematonta kieltä. Aikion tapaan Juha Janhunen (2005: 85) on esittänyt, että Lappi saamelaistui melko myöhään, mikä sekin herättää kysymyksen ainakin Lapin varhaisemman nimistön kielellisestä taustasta. 3 Metodit Seuraavassa esittelen käytettyjä metodeja, joita ovat säännölliseen topografiaan perustuva opaakkien nimien etymologiointi, formanttien analyysi ja niiden produktiivisuuden tarkasteleminen, etymologioiden todennäköisyys nimikantojen yleisyyden näkökulmasta ja nimistön levinnän painopistealueiden määrittäminen. Keskityn esittelyssä metodien keskeisiin seikkoihin; olen esitellyt niitä tarkemmin toisaalla (Rahkonen 2011: ). 3.1 Maastoappellatiiveista muodostetut nimet Kun on kyse tuntemattomasta kielestä, josta periytyvän nimistön etymologiaa koetetaan selvittää, yksi varmimpia menetelmiä on etsiä nimiä, jotka säännönmukaisesti viittaavat tietynlaisiin maastokohteisiin. Näiden nimikantojen taustalla olevat sanat ovat näin ollen topografisesti todennettavia maastoappellatiiveja. Esimerkkinä voisi mainita Keski Venäjän ja osin Pohjois-Venäjänkin merjalaisalueilla nimissä esiintyvät яхр-alkuiset [jaxr-] tai -хра/о-loppuiset [-xra/-xro] nimet, jotka säännöllisesti liittyvät järviin (mm. Ahlqvist 2006: 14 16). Tällöin voi päätellä, että jossakin merjalaisalueilla puhutussa kielessä on esiintynyt sana, jonka voi rekonstruoida asuun *jäγra/ä < *jäkrä järvi. Termillä nimikanta tarkoitan nimien johonkin yksittäiseen sanaan perustuvia alku komponentteja, joihin saattaa liittyä erilaisia jälkikomponentteja, esimerkiksi Huhta mo < nimi kanta huhta, Hima nka < nimikanta hima (henkilönimi lähtöinen; ks. mm. Mikkonen & Paikkala 2000 s. v. Himanen; Saarikivi 2006: 41), Valke inen < nimi kanta valkea. 5 Tässä artikkelissa kiinnitän erityistä huomiota kannaksiin ja vetotaipaleisiin sekä vesiä yhdistäviin väli jokiin liittyvään nimistöön. Tutkimuksellisena esikuvana voi mainita maast oappellatiiveihin perustuvien Pohjois- ja Keski-Venäjällä esiintyvien suomalais ugrilaisten substraatti nimien etymologioinnin (Ahlqvist 2001; Matveev 2001; Mullonen 2002; Saarikivi 2006). 3.2 Formanttiaines Formantilla tarkoitan nimissä esiintyviä, paikannimeä ilmaisevia jälki komponentteja, jotka voivat olla alkuaan johdinaineksia, kuten nimessä Päijä nne < päijä + johdin 5. Termi nimikanta vastaa venäläisessä kirjallisuudessa käytettyä termiä основа (mm. Matveev 2001, 2004). 8 virittäjä 1/2013

157 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä *-nte(k), tai hämärtyneitä nimien perusosia, kuten nimessä Must io < *Musta oja (Ainiala, Saarelma & Sjöblom 2008: 116; Rahkonen 2011: 217; Saarikivi 2006: 18). Formanttien perusteella voidaan määritellä erilaisia nimityyppejä (mm. Ainiala, Saarelma & Sjöblom mts. 39; Mullonen 2002: 69 72, 85 96, 183). Nimiin voi liittyä sellaisia formantteja, joiden voi epäillä palautuvan johonkin substraattikieleen. Esimerkiksi alkuperältään hämärä -nka/i-formantti on sellainen (mm. Aikio 2007: 169; Räisänen 2003). Tarkastelen tässä artikkelissa sellaisia järvien nimiä, joiden lopussa on formantti -ari-, -äri-, -ere. Jälkikomponentin -(V)ri voi katsoa alkuaan edustaneen nimen perusosaa järvi (ks. SPK s. v. Inari, s. v. Koitere, s. v. Ähtäri). Tämä käy ilmi esimerkiksi siitä, että Äht äri-nimisen järven muinainen laskujoki on Ähtä vä ja Koit ere-järveen liittyvä joki on nimeltään Koita. Jokien nimissä ei siis esiinny loppuosaa -(V)ri. Näin ollen kyseinen formantti näyttäisi liittyvän järviin. Merkityksen hämärryttyä perusosa muuttui nimistössä yleisesti esiintyvän kulumisen seurauksena formantiksi (vrt. SPK s. v. Kalm ari; Aikio 2007: 174). Tähän formanttiin perustuvat nimikannat (esim. *Äts äri, Koit ere, In ari) eivät useinkaan ole alkuperänsä kannalta selitettävissä vaikeuksitta suomen tai saamen pohjalta, joten niiden voi alkuolettamuksena epäillä juontuvan jostain tuntemattomasta substraattikielestä. Tällöin myös nimikantaan liittyvä formantti saattaa olla peräisin samasta kielestä. 3.3 Nimeämisperusteet Saarikivi (2006: 18 21) on esittänyt neliportaisen mallin substraattikieliin pohjautuvien nimien etymologioiden todennäköisyydestä: 6 Ryhmä 1: Nimityyppi, jolla on vastineita nykykielissä ja joiden etymologia voidaan varmistaa kielenulkoisten tekijöiden avulla (mm. topografia, veden tai pohjan laatu jne.), esimerkiksi Kuukka-, Kukas-järvet < ksa *kukkē pitkä (ks. Aikio 2007: ). Ryhmä 2: Etymologia on järkevä kielen ulkoisten tekijöiden perusteella, mutta nimi tyypillä ei ole juurikaan vastineita nykykielissä, esimerkiksi merjalaisalueiden Veks(V)- välijoet (ks. Ahlqvist 2001: ). Ryhmä 3: Nimityyppi esiintyy nykykielissä, mutta kielenulkoiset seikat eivät anna viitettä varmalle etymologialle, esimerkiksi kalojen nimiin pohjautuvat hydronyymit, koska saman laisia kaloja on lähes kaikissa järvissä. Ryhmä 4: Nimityyppi ei ole yleinen nykykielissä, eivätkä kielenulkoiset seikat viittaa mihinkään luotettavaan etymologiseen ratkaisuun, esimerkiksi monet nimet, joita Aikio (2004) on pitänyt paleoeurooppalaisina. Tässä artikkelissa keskityn ensi sijassa ryhmiin 1 ja Varmuus on suurin ryhmässä 1 ja heikoin ryhmässä 4. virittäjä 1/2013 9

158 On siis syytä pohtia, voiko kulloinkin tutkittavan vedenkokouman jokin ominaisuus antaa viitteitä nimeämisperusteesta. Onko esimerkiksi järven muoto pitkä, kapea, väärä, onko joki tai järvi vesistösysteemissään ylä- tai alajuoksulla tai onko vesi kirkasta vai tummaa? Silloin, kun hydronyymin nimeämisperuste näyttää topo grafisesti ilmeiseltä ja on nimityypin kannalta säännöllinen, voi yrittää etsiä etymologiaa suomalais ugrilaisten tai indoeurooppalaisten kielten sanastosta. Mikäli sopivaa ehdokasta ei löydy, on mahdollista, että nimi palautuu johonkin paleo eurooppalaiseen kieleen. Unohtaa ei sovi myöskään nimikantojen tai määriteosien yleisyyttä. Usein toistuvia määriteosia tai nimikantoja on vain muutamia kymmeniä (ks. Saarikivi 2004b: ). Siksi tutkimuksessa kannattaa mahdollisuuksien mukaan keskittyä niihin. Tällöin on turha olettaa jotain hyvin epätavallista etymologista lähtökohtaa. Usein yleisimmät määriteosien tai nimikantojen taustalla esiintyvät sanat voidaan palauttaa varhaisempiin kantakieliin, mikä tekee niiden etymologioista varmempia. 3.4 Nimistön levinnän painopiste Tutkimuksessa on tarpeellista huomioida myös kunkin nimityypin valtakuntien rajat ylittävä koko levikki ja levikin painopistealueet. Tämän seikan laiminlyöminen voi johtaa sellaisiin virhepäätelmiin kuin Vahtolan (1980: ) ja SPK:n (2007 s. v. Kemi) esittämä Kemijoen etymologia, joka on johdettu hämäläis-satakuntalaisesta murresanasta kemi keto ja jonka nimistöllinen vertailu koskee vain Suomen aluetta. Suomen Kemijoki ja -järvi kuuluvat kuitenkin laajaan Suomen ja Pohjois-Venäjän alueel la esiintyvään nimistökokonaisuuteen (ks. kartat 17 s. 24 ja 24 s. 35). Tällöin hämäläis peräisyys käy mahdottomaksi hyväksyä varsinkin, kun etymologiseksi lähtökohdaksi esitetyn murre sanan kemi esiintymisalueella Sata-Hämeessä ei esiinny yhtäkään Kemi-alkuista hydronyymiä. 4 Topografian ja levikin näkökulmasta tutkittavissa olevat etymologiat Luotettavan etymologian löytämisen kannalta helpoimpia ovat nimet, joiden nimikannoissa toistuvasti esiintyy topografisesti todennettavia identtisiä maastoappellatiiveja. Näin on varsinkin, jos nimikantojen taustalla olevat sanat voidaan palauttaa varhaisempiin kantakieliin. Suomessa sellaisia ovat muun muassa läpinäkymättömät toponyymit, joissa esiintyy vuoht-, uht-, oht- ( kannas, vetotaipale ) sekä vieks-, viiks- ja vääks-nimikannat ( välijoki ). Olen perehtynyt kartta-aineiston avulla seuraavana esiteltävien vesistöjen topografiaan. Aluksi esittelen nimien esiintymisalueet. Hakasulkeisiin olen merkinnyt Suomessa ja Karjalassa esiintyvien nimien sijainnin kunnan tai piirin tarkkuudella. Karjalan ulkopuolella Venäjällä esiintyvien nimien sijainnin olen merkinnyt haka sulkeisiin; merkki kertoo, minkä nimisten jokien välisistä kannaksista on kysymys. Muutamassa tapauksessa olen merkinnyt sijainniksi vain lähimmän suuren kaupungin nimen. Sulkeissa olen ilmaissut lähdetiedot. Lähteen jäljessä esiintyvä numero- ja kirjain 10 virittäjä 1/2013

159 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä yhdistelmä viittaa lähteenä käytetyn kartan koordinaatteihin. Sijainnin esittelyn jälkeen kerron lyhykäisesti varhaisemman tutkimuksen tuloksista ja esitän oman näkemykseni. 4.1 Vuoht-kannakset Suomessa: Vuohtajärvi [Reisjärvi], Vuohtojärvi [Pihtipudas], Vuohtojärvi, -joki [Kärsä mäki], Vuohtolahti [Pyhäjärvi], Vuohtolahti [Kiuruvesi], Vohtenoinen [Hämeen linna] (NA). Vastaavuuksia Karjalan tasavallassa: Voht ozero ~ ka Vuohťärvi [Prääsän piiri] (TKRK95; NA), Vuhtanjogi, Voht ozero ~ ka Vuohťťärvi (TKRK110; NA), Voht ozero ~ ka Vuohťärvi [Prääsän piiri: Vieljärvi/Palalahti] (NA). Vastaavuuksia muualla Venäjällä: Vohta nka (GBO192) [Murom], Vohte nka (GBO190) [Murom], Vohtož ka (AKO75A1/AVO94B2) [Suhona Kostroma], Vohtoma (AKO16B2/AVO83B5) [Viga Suhona], Vohtoma (AKO83-84) [Neja Viga], Vohtoma (AVO65G4) [Unža Suhona], Vohtom ec (AVO46V3) [Jug Suhona], Boht juga (AVO39V5) [Kubena Vaga]. SPK (2007) esittää, että Vuoht(V)-nimet olisivat peräisin saamen sanasta, joka kantasaamen tasossa palautuu asuun *vuoččō pitkä, kapea suo (SPK s. v. Vuohtajärvi, Vuohto mäki; Aikio 2006: 12). Äänteellisesti selitys on moitteeton, mikäli oletetaan savolais tyyppistä adaptaatiota *-ts- > -ht-. Vuoht(V)-järvien topografia ei kuitenkaan tue tätä selitystä. Esimerkiksi Reisjärven Vuohtajärven ja Pihtiputaan Vuohtojärven ympäristössä ei ole minkäänlaista suota. Kärsämäen Vuohtojärvi vuorostaan sijaitsee laajalla Vuohtosuolla, joka ei ole millään lailla pitkä ja kapea, siis vuotsomainen. Vastaavaa Karjalan Prääsän piirin Vuoht(V)-nimistöä ei voi selittää savolaisvaikutuksella. Liv vin kielessä ei *-ts- > -ht- ole mahdollinen. Sama koskee Hämeenlinnan Vohtenoinen- kannasta, koska hämeen murteessa *-ts- > -tt-. Suomen Vuoht-nimistö liittyy selkeästi kannaksiin (kartta 1). Reisjärven Vuohtajärvi ja läheinen Pihtiputaan Vuohtojärvi yhdistävät kannaksien kautta Kalajoen, Lesti joen ja Kymijoen vesistöt toisiinsa (kartta 2). Järvien välinen etäisyys tosin on nykyisin noin 15 kilometriä, mutta itse nimeämisaikaista vesireittien etäisyyttä on vaikea arvioi da. Nykyinen kannas on täynnä pieniä jokia, puroja ja pikkujärviä, jotka ovat saattaneet nimeämisajankohtaisessa tilassaan kaventaa vetotaivalta merkittävästikin. Kärsämäen Vuohtojoki ja -järvi yhdistävät kannaksen kautta Siikajoen- ja Pyhäjoenvesistö alueen toisiinsa (kartta 3). Myös Pyhäjoen ja Kymijoenvesistön välisen kannaksen molemmilla puolilla esiintyy Vuoht-nimistöä sekä muita kannakseen viittaavia nimiä (kartta 4). 7 Kymijoenvesistön puolella Vuohtolahti on Koivujärven lahti. 8 Aulangon järven ja 7. Maaselänlahti ja Tiesuunlahti viitannevat kannakseen ja vetotaipaleeseen. 8. Koivujärvikin saattaa olla kansanetymologiaa, jolloin alkuperäinen nimi olisi liittynyt sanaan sm koive ta kulkea (hitaasti), vi koiba ta kulkea, vaeltaa (Rahkonen & Saarikivi, julkaisematon havainto; SSA 1 s. v. koipi); vrt. Syvärin ja Ojatin erottavalla kannaksella virtaa Kojbyža-joki (ALO28V2). Karjalassa Segežasta länteen Koivajärven ja Jelmozeron väliin jää kapeahko kannas. virittäjä 1/

160 Vanajaveden erottavalla kannaksella esiintyy maastopaikan nimi Vohtenoinen (kartta 5). Myös Vuohtniemi Lappeenrannassa näyttää liittyvän tähän yhteyteen (NA). Kalajoki Pyhäjoki Haapavesi Siikajoki Pietarsaari Ähtävänjoki Lestijoki Haapajärvi Pyhäjärvi Iisalmi Vuohtojoki Vuohtojärvi, -suo Vuohtolahti, -niemi, -mäki Vuohtolahti Lappaj rvi Vuohtojärvi Vuohtajärvi Viitasaari kannas Alaj rvi Kuopio Kartta 1. Vuoht-kannakset Suomenselällä. Siikajoki Kalajoki KALAJOEN VESISTÖ Lestijoki Vuohtajärvi Reisjärvi Lamujoki LESTIJOEN VESISTÖ 7 km Lestinpuro 15 km Lestijärvi Vuohtojärvi Muurasjärvi KYMIJOEN VESISTÖ Alvajärvi Pyhäjoki Vuohtojoki 3 km Vuohtojärvi Iso- Lamujärvi Kartta 2. Kartta 3. Kymijoen-, Lestijoen- ja Kalajoenvesistön Pyhäjoen- ja Siikajoenreitin kautta yhdistäkannaksen välisillä kannaksilla esiintyvät vät Vuohtojoki ja -järvi (Reisjärvi, Pihti- Vuoht-järvet (Kärsämäki). pudas). 12 virittäjä 1/2013

161 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä Vanajavesi Vuohtolahti Vuohtoniemi Vuohtomäki Tiesuunlahti Maaselänlahti PYHÄJOEN VESISTÖ 7 km KYMIJOEN VESISTÖ Koivujärvi Vuohtolahti Vohtenoinen Aulangonjärvi HÄMEENLINNA Kartta 4. Kartta 5. Pyhäjoen- ja Kymijoenvesistön välisen Hämeenlinnan Vohtenoinen Vanajaveden ja kannaksen Vuoht-nimet (Pyhäjärvi Ol., Aulangonjärven välisellä kannaksella. Pielavesi). Karjalassakin Vuoht-joet ja -järvet liittyvät kannaksiin. Vuohťärvi (TKRK95) sijaitsee Suojunjoen ja Suna-joen vesireittien välisellä kannaksella. Vuohťťärvi (TKRK110), jonka vedet laskevat Viteleen vesistöön kuuluvaan Vieljärveen, sijaitsee vuorostaan kannaksella, jonka toisella puolella alkaa Suojunjoen vesistöalue. Vuoht-nimistö näyttää juontuvan kantauraliin palautuvasta sanasta, jonka Sammallahti (1988: 536) on rekonstruoinut kantauralin tasossa asuun *ukti track (ks. tarkemmin jäljempänä). Sanalla on vastineita nykykielissä vain ugrilaisessa haarassa: unkarin út tie, hantin oγət track, mansin āχt id. (mm. Aikio 2012: 230; Mullonen 2002: ; Saarikivi 2006: 38). Keski- ja Pohjois-Venäjän nimistössä esiintyy kuitenkin laajalti kannaksiin ja vetotaipaleisiin liittyviä Uht- (Uft-), Voht- ja Oht-nimiä (mm. Mullonen 2002: ; Saarikivi 2006: 38). Venäjällä nimistö viittaa siihen, että sana Uht-/ Voht- on kuulunut merjalais-muromalaiseen kieleen ja sen pohjoiseen (Valkeajärvi Suhonan seudun) perifeeriseen lähisukukieleen (Rahkonen 2012: 21). 4.2 Uht-nimistö Suomessa: Uhtua [Tervo], Uhtipohja [Padasjoki] (NA). Vastineita Pohjois-Venäjällä: [Karjalan tasavalta] Uhtuanjoki ~ Uhta (TKKR21/30), Uhta (TKKR58), Uhta (TKKR69), Uhtica (TKKR57), Uht ozero (TKKR56), [Arkangelin alue] Uhta, Uht ozero (GUGK:Kotlas V2), Uhta (GUGK:OnegaA1), Uhta (GUGK:OnegaA4), Bol. Uhta oz. (GUGK:OnegaA4), Uhtinskoe oz. (GUGK:OnegaA4), Uhta (GUGK:ArkhangelskG1), [Vologdan alue] Uhta virittäjä 1/

162 (AVO13B7), Uhtoma (AVO91B4), Uhtomica (AVO36V1), Uhtomka (AVO34B2), Uhtomka (AVO17G4), Uhtomka (AVO27A5), Uhtomjarskoe oz. (AVO32V1). Tervon Uhtua saattaa liittyä Viitajärvi- ja Saarinen-järvien väliseen kannakseen. 9 Padas joen Uhtipohja sijaitsee Kotuksen nimiarkiston (NA) mukaan jossakin Auttoisilla, mutta haastattelemani nykyauttoislaiset eivät ole tunnistaneet paikkaa. Auttoisen seutu kuitenkin sijaitsee Kokemäenjoen- ja Kymijoenvesistön vedenjakajalla, joten kannas sopisi hyvin nimeämisperusteeksi. 4.3 Oht-nimistö Suomessa: Ohtaansalmi, -niemi [Outokumpu], Ohtuanoja [Ruukki], Ohtimus [Virra t] (NA). Karjalan tasavallassa: Ohtanjärvi (TKRK20) [Kalevala], Ohta (TKRK21) [Kalevala], Ohta (TKRK43) [Kemi], Ohta (niemi) (TKRK126) [Aunus], Ohtoma (TKRK88) [Vodla], Ohtoma; Verh. & Niž. (TKRK101) [Vodla], Ohtom ozero; Verh. & Niž. [Vodla]. Syvärin vesistöalueella: Ohtoja (MAG24), Ohtarv (MAG83), Ohtui (MAG86), Ohta (MAG88), Ohtega (MAG104). Muu Venäjä: Ohtomica (GUGK:KotlasV6) [Njandoma], Ohtonga (GUGK:KotlasV4) [Kargopol ], Ohtoma (GUGK:KotlasA8) [Pinega], Ohtoma (GUGK:KotlasB10) [Pineg a]. Suomessa on kahden- tai jopa kolmenlaisia oht-nimiä, mikä tekee niiden etymologioinnin hankalaksi. Jotkin savolaismurteisiin liittyvistä oht-nimistä epäilemättä palautuvat sanaan karhu smsavo ohto ~ sm otso. Savolaismurteiden alueella jyrkkien rantojen ollessa kyseessä on lisäksi nimetty vesiä sanan smsavo ohta ~ sm otsa perusteella (ks. SPK s. v. Ohtaansalmi). Sellaisia ovat esimerkiksi Puolangan Ohtalampi, jonka itäranta Ohtakulju kohoaa jyrkästi yli 30 metriä vedenpinnan yläpuolelle, ja Lieksan Ohtalampi, jonka itäranta rajoittuu korkeaan ja jyrkkään Ohtavaaraan. Jotkin ohta-nimet on kuitenkin nimetty ilmeisestikin kannaksen tai vetotaipaleen perusteella. Näitä ovat muun muassa Ohtaanniemi < *Ohtamanniemi ~ vuodelta 1683 Ochtamanniemij (SPK s. v. Ohtaansalmi) [Tuusniemi], -salmi, Ohtuanoja [Ruukki] ja Ohtimus (niemi) [Virrat]. Ohtaanniemen voi ylittää vesiteitse siten, että Iso-Vuorisen ja Iso-Kankaisen väliin jää kapeahko kannas (kartta 6). Ohtaansalmi on ilmeisesti saanut nimensä niemen mukaan (vrt. SPK s. v. Ohtaansalmi). Näin ollen niemen luonnollinen nimeämisperuste on kannas, taipale, jollain uralilaisella kielellä *ohta(ma). Ohtuanoja (kartta 7) virtaa pitkän matkan paralleelisti pääjokensa, Siikajoen, rinnalla. Väliin jää 9. Tervon Uhtua saattaa olla siirtymänimi, jonka alkuperäinen esikuva on Vienan Uhtua. 14 virittäjä 1/2013

163 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä suhteellisen kapea (1,5 2 km) kannas. Ohtimus on niemi, jonka voi ylittää kapean vetotaipaleen kautta (kartta 8). Tähän yhteyteen voisi vielä lisätä Hämeenlinnan (ent. Kalvola) Ohtinen-asutusnimen. Ohtinen sijaitsee Lontilanjoen ja Tarpianjoen latvojen välisellä kannaksella. KAAVI Iso-Vuorinen Iso-Kankainen 1 km Ohtaanniemi TUUSNIEMI Ohtaansalmi Kartta 6. Ohtaanniemi (Ochtamanniemij v. 1683), Ohtaansalmi (Tuusniemi). Uurasjärvi n. 2 km Siikajoki Ohtuanoja Ohtimus (niemi) RUUKKI Ohtimuslammi Muuranvuori vetotaival Kartta 7. Kartta 8. Ohtuanoja Ruukissa. Ohtimus (niemi), Virrat. virittäjä 1/

164 Ohtaanniemi-nimen vanhoissa asiakirjoissa esiintyvä Ohtama-asu liittää sen Äänisen ja Onega-joen vastaavaan Ohtoma-nimistöön. Venäjällä Pinega-joen vesistössä virtaa Ohtoma-joki, joka kapean kannaksen kautta yhdistää Pinegan latvat Dvinajokeen: Pinega Ohtoma kannas Verhnyj Tojma 10 Dvina. Taipaleentauksen tärkeimpiin kuuluva vesireitti yhdisti Onega-joen ja Dvinan: Onega Moša Ohtomica kannas Puja Vaga Dvina. 11 Nämä ja useat muutkin esimerkit todistavat johonkin uralilaiseen kieleen kuuluneesta maastoappellatiivista *ohta kannas, taipale < kanta urali *ukti (ks. Saarikivi 2006: 38). Irma Mullonen (2002: 214) katsoo Karjalan uht-nimistön olevan peräisin jostain kadonneesta ylävolgalaisesta kielestä, jota puhuttiin ennen alueen itämerensuomalaistumista. Tähän näkemykseen on helppo yhtyä nimityypin levikin perusteella, koska sen jatkumo Ylä-Volgalta on katkeamaton. Oht-nimistö näyttää esiintyvän saman laisessa funktiossa vetotaipaleitten ja kannasten yhteydessä. Koska keskenään erilaiset oht-, vuoht- ja uht-nimikannat ovat kaikki johdettavissa yhteisestä originaalista < *ukti (Sammallahti 1988: 536), voi niiden varioinnin selittää siten, että nimen taustalla oleva sana on jossain vaiheessa adaptoitu eri kieliin tai ne heijastavat alkuaankin kolmea erilaista kielellistä lähdettä. Pohjois-Venäjällä esiintyy sekä uht- että oht- ja voht-nimistöä. Uht-hydronyymit ovat erityisen tyypillisiä kronikoiden määrittelemällä merjalaisseudulla Jaroslavlin ja Kostroman alueilla sekä pohjoisempana Vologdan ja Arkangelin alueiden länsiosissa. Oht-hydronyymit sijaitsevat erityisesti Syvärin ja Äänisen vesistöalueilla sekä Arkangelin alueella. Karjalan tasavallassa ja Suomessa esiintyy kaikkia kolmea varianttia (ks. kartta 9). Äännehistoriallisesti *ukti > ims ohta tai vuohta ei ole mahdollinen. Itämerensuomalainen äännelaillisesti säännönmukainen vastine olisi uksi : uhden. Aikio (2012: 230) esittää, että parhaimmillaankin ugrilaiskielten valossa sana voidaan palauttaa kantauraliin asussa *(V)kti. Hän kuitenkin huomauttaa, että mikäli nimistössä esiintyvä Uhttodella on ugrilaisissa kielissä esiintyvien sanojen vastine, voidaan kanta uralilaiseksi asuksi rekonstruoida *ukti. Toisaalta mikäli toisen tavun vokaali onkin ollut a (vrt. UEW s. 540), kehityskulku olisi äännelaillisesti ollut *ukta > ims uhta. Tosin UEW on edellyttänyt myös metateesia rekonstruoiden kantauralin sanaksi *utka spur. Joka tapauksessa nimityypin Uht(V)- levikki ei kuitenkaan viittaa itämeren suomalaiseen lähtökohtaan. Itämerensuomalainen tausta edellyttäisi nimityypin esiintymistä Suomessa niin sanotun rannikkokulttuurin alueella ja Virossa (ks. kartta 9). 12 Näin ei kuitenkaan ole. Saameen liittyvä kehitys on vaikea selittää konsonanttiyhtymän *-kt- > -ht- tähden muutoin kuin itämerensuomalaisen adaptaation kautta. Kantauralin *ukti tulisi edustua kantasaamessa asussa *okte ja vaihtoehtoinen *ukta > ksa *oktē. Oht(V)-nimistö esiintyy säännöllisesti -ht:llisena kaikkialla Suomessa sekä Pohjois-Venäjällä. Konsonatti yhtymää 10. Myös nimen Tojma merkitys on kannas, vetotaival (Rahkonen 2009: 184). Se on luultavasti peräisin permiläiskielistä: Tojma ~ udm Tujmi ; vrt. udm tuj tie < *taj-;?sm taipale, taival. Ala-Kamalla Tojma-joki virtaa Ohtuanojan tavoin paralleelisti Kaman rinnalla siten, että väliin jää kapeahko kannas. 11. Nuoli kuvaa joen virtaussuuntaa. 12. Virossa esiintyy asutusnimi Uhtna [Kundan alue Virumaalla] ja järvennimi Uhtjärv [Antslan alue Võrumaalla], mutta niiden taustalla lienee joko viron kielen murresana uhta mm. kaski ~ sm huhta (SSA 1 s. v. huhta) tai sana vi uhtuda huuhtoa (SSA 1 s. v. huuhtoa), vrt. suomen Liko-järvet ja -lammet. Nämä virolaiset nimet eivät topografisesti mitenkään liity kannaksiin. 16 virittäjä 1/2013

165 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä -ht- ei voi laajan säännöllisyytensä tähden pitää johonkin saamelais kieleen kuuluvana kantasaamen jälkeisenä erilliskehityksenä, kuten esim. sai kyehti < ksa *kōktē kaksi. Nyky kielissä vain itämerensuomessa ja joissain saamelaiskielissä esiintyy *-kt- > -ht-. Nimistö todistaa vastaavasta äänteellisestä kehityskulusta *-kt- > -ht- myös kronikoiden merjalaisalueilla muinoin puhutussa kielessä. 13 Merjalaisalueella esiintyy yleisesti vetotaipaleisiin ja kannaksiin liittyviä Uht-hydronyymejä (kartta 9). Uht- Oht- V(u)ohtvetotaipaleet ja kannakset Arkangel Helsinki Pietari Vologda Kartta 9. Uht-, Oht- ja V(u)oht-kannasten ja vetotaipaleitten levintä. 4.4 Vieks-, Viiks-, Vääks-välijoet Suomessa ja luovutetussa Karjalassa: Vieksijoki, Ala-Vieksijärvi [Ilomantsi], Vieksinjoki [Kuhmo], Vieksinkijärvi, Viiksimojärvi, -joki, Viiksanlahti, Viiksinselkä (NA). Karjalan tasavallassa: Vikšalampi (TKRK83), Vikšezero (TKRK84), Vikšitsa (TKRK96), Vikšozero (TKRK83), Vikšrečka (TKRK84), Viksozero (TKRK13), Viksozero (TKRK34), Vikšrečka (TKRK34), Viksenda (TKRK116), Vikša (TKRK67), Vikšozero (TKRK67). 13. Mahdollisesti merjassa *-kt- >* -χt-, jossa χ on saattanut olla hälyisämpi kuin ims h. virittäjä 1/

166 Syvärin vesistöalue: Vekša ~ Vikša (MAG87), Vikšenga (MAG104). Vologdan alueella: Veksa (AVO77B5), Veksa (AVO81G5), Vekšenskoe oz. (AVO25V5), Vekšen ga (AVO80A2). Jaroslavlin alueella: Veksa (AJO82A4/95B1), Veksa (AJO102A2), Veksa (AJO108A4/114A1), Veksa (AJO110A2) ja Kostroman alueella: Veksa (AKO54), Veksa (AKO ), Veksa (AKO124A2), Veksa (AKO149A1). Keski-Venäjällä Veks- ~ Vёks-joet ovat säännönmukaisesti kahden veden välisiä välijokia, jotka useimmiten yhdistävät järven ja suuremman joen (mm. Ahlqvist 2001: 458; Mullonen 2002: ). 14 Mullonen (mp.) on liittänyt Syvärin, Äänisen ja Laatokan alueen viks-/š-, vieks-nimet Ylä-Volgan veks-nimistön yhteyteen. Samanlaisia jokien nimiä samanlaisessa funktiossa esiintyy myös Suomen puolella (NA): Vieksijoki, Ala-Vieksijärvi ~ Weexijärvi (Hällström 2005 [1799]) [Ilomantsi], Ylä- ja Ala- Vieksi, Vieksin joki [Kuhmo](ks. kartat 12 13). Näyttää ilmeiseltä, että merjalaisalueiden veks(v)- ja Suomen vieksi-nimet palautuvat samaan kantasanaan kuin komin sana vis välijoki ; vis < *visk < *viks(v) (ks. Lytkin & Guljaev 1999: 58 s. v. вис; Mullonen 2002: 291). Räisänen (2003: ) on verrannut Kuhmon Vieksiä inarinsaamen sanaan vieksâ voimakas. Nimeämisperusteena määriteosa voimakas olisi hyvin epä tavallinen ja näin ollen epä uskottava. Topografian kannalta näyttää ilmeiseltä, että samaan motivaatioon pohjautuvat myös sellaiset nimet kuin Vääksy ~ vuodelta 1491 Wäksy ström (SPK s. v. Vääksy 1) [Asikkala], Vääksy ~ vuodelta 1405 Vexö(ö) [Kangasala], Viiksimo(järvi), -joki [Kuhmo] (ks. kartat ja 14 15). Karjalankannaksella Suvannon ja Vuoksen välinen kapeikko oli joskus ilmeisestikin nimeltään Viiksa. Sen kohdalla olevan Suvannon lahden nimi on nimittäin vuoteen 1944 asti ollut Viiksanlahti. Vääksyn rinnastaminen Vieksi- ja Viiksi-nimiin voi tuntua äänteellisesti hankalalta. Joka tapauksessa vanha oletus, jonka mukaan nimi juontuisi ruotsalaisesta kaupungin nimestä Växjö, on äärimmäisen epätodennäköinen (ks. SPK s. v. Vääksy 1 ja 2 lähteineen). Vääksyn kartano tosin oli 1500-luvun alusta Wäxjöstä kotoisin olevan Westgötasuvun rälssitilana. Kuitenkin nimi Wexö esiintyy asiakirjalähteissä jo vuonna 1405 ja Asikkalan Vääksynjoki esiintyy asiakirjoissa jo vuonna 1491 asussa Wäksyström (mp.). SPK:n viittaukset nimen siirtymiseen Växjöstä ruotsalaisten kauppiaiden mukana ei ole uskottava väite. Miksi hämäläiset tai heitä ennen mahdolliset saamelaiset paikalliset asukkaat olisivat omaksuneet ruotsalaisen kaupungin nimen oman seutunsa nimistöön? Joka tapauksessa Asikkalan ja Kangasalan Vääksynjoet ovat topo grafisesti identtisiä tyypillisiä välijokia (kartat 10 11). Lieneekö sattumaa, että kummankin Vääksynjoen lähdejärvi on nimeltään Vesijärvi. Tämä johtaa kysymään, voisivatko Vesi järvet olla kansanetymologiaa: Vesijärvi < *Veksijärvi. 14. Jaroslavlin alueella: Veksa (AJO82A4/95B1), Veksa (AJO102A2), Veksa (AJO108A4/114A1), Veksa (AJO110A2); Kostroman alueella: Veksa (AKO54), Veksa (AKO ), Veksa (AKO124A2), Veksa (AKO149A1). 18 virittäjä 1/2013

167 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä Päijänne Vääksynjoki Vesijärvi Kartta 10. Asikkalan Vääksynjoki ~ Wäksy ström v Vääksynjoki Roine Kartta 11. Kangasalan Vääksynjoki. Ylä-Vieksi Ala-Vieksi Vesijärvi Ponsanselkä Vieksinjoki Ontojärvi Kartta 12. Kuhmon Vieksinjoki ja Vieksi-kapeikot. virittäjä 1/

168 Koitajoki Koitajoki Vieksijoki Kartta 13. Vieksijoki ja Vieksijärvi (Ilomantsi/Suojärvi). Nuorajärvi Ala- Vieksijärvi Pieni- Tahkonen Iso-Tahkonen Kartta 14. Kuhmon Viiksimo. Vuoksi Viiksimonjoki Viiksimonjärvi Viiksanlahti Suvanto Vuoksi?Viiksa Kartta 15. Suvannon Viiksa. 20 virittäjä 1/2013

169 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä On todettava, että eri nimivariantit sisältävät äänteellisiä ongelmia varsinkin verrattaessa niitä komin sanaan vis < *visk < *viks(v) (ks. Lytkin & Guljaev 1999: 58 s. v. вис). Nimet varioivat osittain samalla tapaa kuin jäljempänä tarkemmin esitetty Kemijärvi ~ Kiemiträsk ~ Kiimjauri/Kiimjaure (Sjögren 1861: 65, 104, 109, 128). Vanhan kirjasuomen sana vieska watudrag, watugang ner åt ifrån forssen, strömfall (Ganander 1997 [1787]: 1115), joka on koskiin liittyvä vesistötermi, saattaa olla samaa alkuperää. Arkangelin alueella esiintyy lisäksi venäjän murresana виска (Dal 1 s. v. виска; Saarikivi 2004a: 196 lähteineen). Ainakaan Kalajoen varrella sijaitsevat paikannimet Ala vieska ja Yli vieska eivät kuitenkaan viittaa siihen, että vieska olisi merkitykseltään sama kuin vieksi kahta vedenkokoumaa yhdistävä välijoki (ks. SPK s. v. Alavieska lähteineen). Sen sijaan Alavieska ilmeisesti liittynee Haarankoskeen ja Ylivieska Hamarinkoskeen Gananderin antaman sanan merkityksen mukaisesti. Vieska-sanan palautuminen samaan kantasanaan kuin vieksi edellyttää metateesia ja merkityksensiirtoa Suont-nimistö Suomessa: Suontee [Joutsa], Suontienselkä ~ Suonteenselkä [Suonenjoki],?Sonnanen [Heinola], Sontanen [Jaala] (NA). Karjalassa: Sondala, Sondal skaja guba [Paatene] (TKRK64/73), Sundam ozero [Louhi] (TKRK25). Pohjois-Venäjällä: Sondal ~ Sondaljogi ~ Sondaloja [Ojatin latvavesiä] (MAG43), Sondaljärv, Sondaloja [Ojatin latvat] (MAG39), Sondola; Bol. & Mal. [Kenozero] (GUGK:OnegaE6), Sonduž koe ozero, Sond uga [Vagan latvavesiä] (GUGK:KotlasG7/AVO41), Sondol skij [Sudan latvavesi] (AVO30B2), Sonduš ka [Sokol skij] (AVO60A3), Sondol ovo (asutus) [Danilov] (AJO37A3), Sondol ovo (asutus) [Danilov] (AJO54A2), Sondo ba (maasto) [Čuhloma] (AKO53B3), Sondoga [Galič] (AKO109A3). Nimi Sonnejoki (nyk. Suonenjoki) esiintyy asiakirjoissa jo vuonna Nimi Suontee esiintyy asiakirjoissa vuonna 1468 asussa Sondewattnet ja Suontienselkä asussa Sondie vuonna (SPK s. v. Suonenjoki, Suontee, Suonteenselkä.) Suomalaisen paikannimikirjan kirjoittajat jättävät Suont-nimien etymologian avoimeksi. Heistä Manni-Lindqvist (2007) epäilee nimeämisen taustalla olevan järven kaartuvan muodon (ks. SPK s. v. Suontee, Suonteenselkä). Mullonen (2002: 264) on arvellut nimen mahdollisesti palautuvan ksa sanaan *sōnte leikata auki (Lehtiranta 2001: 126). Nimeämisperusteena tämä vaikuttaa hyvin epävarmalta. Näyttää siltä, että nimikanta suont- palautuu asuun *sonta, jota voisi verrata karjalan sanaan sonto käyrä (ks. jäljempänä). Suomalaiset Suontee ja Suontie(n selkä) ja sii 15. Vastaavanlainen metateesi -ks- ~ -sk- esiintyy esimerkiksi sanassa sääski ~ KaakkHäme sääksi, ka seäksi, ve säsk, säks hyttynen (SSA 3 s. v. sääski). virittäjä 1/

170 hen liittyvä Suonenjoki < *Suonteenjoki ovat ilmeisesti käyneet läpi kantasaamelaisen adaptaation *sonta > ksa *suontē. Karjalan tasavallan järven nimi Sundom(ozero) on ilmeisesti < *Suontoma; ven. adapt. сундом, jossa diftongi -uo- säännönmukaisella tavalla on substituoitunut u:na; vrt. Suomi > Сумь. Suontee-nimien taustalla voisi siis olla sana *sont(v) käyrä, kaareva ~ ka sonto kaareva, käyrä, ly sońďištunnu vääristynyt (puu), sm sonnus (SSA 3 s. v. sonnustaa) < *sontus helma. Komissa esiintyy sana suntola mm. vino (SSKD s. v. сунтола), joka komin kielessä vieraan -nt-konsonanttiyhtymänsä tähden näyttää lainasanalta. Mahdollisesti tähän voisi liittyä myös marii šund aš??< *sont- (liejusta, hiekasta, sumusta) painua, laskeutua (SMJ 9 s. v. шунд аш), mikä kylläkin semanttisesti on hiukan kaukaa haettua. Topografialtaan kaarevia vesiä ovat ainakin jo edellä mainitut Suomen Suonteejärvet ja Karjalan Sundomozero. 16 Myös Heinolan Sonnanen-järveä (?sonna- < *sonta-) voi pitää käyränä vetenä. Jokien kaarevuudesta on vaikea sanoa mitään, sillä lähes kaikki joet mutkittelevat enemmän tai vähemmän. Vologdan alueen *Sondugajärven nykyinen muoto ei ole kaareva tai käyrä. Mikäli järven soistuneet rannat olivat nimeämisen tapahtuessa osa järveä, oli se aiemmin muodoltaan hyvinkin kaareva. Nimeämis perusteena käyrä, väärä on joka tapauksessa hyvin yleinen niin suomalaisessa (Kiviniemi 1977, 1990: ) kuin venäläisessäkin nimeämistraditiossa (ks. кривая-, кривое- ja кривой-nimet käyrä- ; GBO s ). Sundamozero Suontienselkä Suontee Sonnanen Pietari Pietari Novgorod Olhava Laatokka Laatokka Sond-nimistö Sondala Msta Sondal skaja guba Syväri Sondaloja Sondaljärv Ääninen Sondal Sondol skij Sondala Onega Sondola; Verh. & Niž. Arkangelin alue Dvina Sondužkoe oz. Sonduga Sonduška Suhona Šeksna Vologda Sondoba Sondolovo Sondoga Unža Sondolovo Kartta 16. Suont-, Sond-nimistö. 16. Suontienselkä on väärävesi, mikäli mukaan luetaan siihen liittyvä Paasvesi. 22 virittäjä 1/2013

171 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä Sond-hydronyymien levintä näyttää sellaiselta (kartta 16), että ne ovat ensisijaisesti peräisin Pohjois-Venäjän järviseudulla muinoin puhutusta substraattikielestä. Kyseeseen ei voi tulla Mullosen (2002: ) esittämä parasaamelainen kieli, koska Sond-nimistö ulottuu etelässä liian kauas aina Jaroslavlin ja Kostroman alueille asti ja koska saamesta ei löydy minkäänlaisia sanavastineita. 17 Itämerensuomalainen lähtökohta ei sekään ole luultava, koska sana ka sonto, ly sonďištunnu, (Jusl 1745) sonnus esiintyvät kapea-alaisesti vain vanhassa kirjasuomessa, karjalassa ja lyydissä ei siis nykymurteissa (ks. SSA 3 s. v. sonnustaa). Myöskään *sont(v)-nimistön levintä ei tue itämerensuomalaista lähtökohtaa. 4.6 Kemijoet Karjala: Kemi ja Tširkka-Kemi. Muualla Venäjällä: Kem -ozero (PKOP40; MAG48), Kem ka (ANO39V4/ATO36B2), Kema (AVO13G5), Kema (AVO66V2), Kema (AVO92V1), Kemas (WRG II 304: Shenkursk, Archangel sk), Kemka (ALO79A5), Kemnica <?*Kemna (AJO8A1), Kemenka (WRG II 304: Peterhof, Petersburg). Suomen Kemi mainitaan asiakirjalähteissä erilaisissa ortografisissa asuissa jo hyvin varhain: Kijm vuonna 1386, Kym vuonna 1443, Kem sokn vuonna 1445, Kimi sokn vuonna 1490 (SPK s. v. Kemi). Nimi Kemi on useisiin vanhoihin karttoihin merkitty asuissa Chim vuonna 1579 ja vuonna 1595, Kimi noin vuosina 1662 ja 1772 (mp.). Sjögre n (1861: 104, 109) on merkinnyt muistiin sellaisia asuja kuin Kiemiträsk, Kiemielf Kemi järvi, -joki ja saamelaisasuisen Kiimjauri/Kiimjaure Kemijärvi (Sjögren 1828: 65, 1861: 128). Pohjois-Venäjällä esiintyy suhteellisen runsaasti Kem(V)-vesistönimiä, pääasiassa jokia (kartta 17). Monet Kem(V)-joista ovat verrattain suuria: (Lapin) Kemijoki, (Vienan) Kemi ja Tširkka-Kemi, Valkeajärven Kema. Kuten jo edellä totesin, on nimet Kemi ja Kemijoki johdettu satahämäläisestä murresanasta kemi mm. keto (SPK s. v. Kemi ja Kemijärvi lähteineen). Kyseisen nimi tyypin levintä jo yksinäänkin todistaa tätä selitysmallia vastaan ja tekee mahdottomaksi hyväksyä sata-hämäläisen etymologisen lähtökohdan. Kem(V)-nimistön taustalla saattaa olla kantasana, johon myös joennimi Kama palautuu. Jotkut tutkijat ovat katsoneet sanojen udm kam, sm kymi ja komi Komi liittyvän yhteen (ks. Lytkin & Guljaev 1999: 132 lähteineen). 18 Mikäli kanta permiläinen sana on ollut *kam, voi sen palauttaa suomalais-permiläisen kantakielen tasolla asuun *käme (Sammallahti 1988: ). Ensitavun *ä ei äännehistoriallisesti voi olla > ims e. Sen sijaan varhaiskantasaamessa *ä > *e on mahdollinen (Korhonen 1981: 88). Kem(V)- nimistö kuitenkin on muinaisia saamelaisalueita eteläisempi (Saarikivi 2004b), eikä sanalle kemi löydy nykyisistä saamelaiskielistä vastineita, joten Kem(V)-nimistö lienee peräisin joltain x-kieliseltä väestöltä. Arkangelin alueella Dvinan vesistössä virtaa joki 17. Termi parasaamelainen on lainattu seuraten Saarikiveä (2004b: ). 18. Komit mitä varmimmin saapuivat nykyisille asuinsijoilleen Kamalta. virittäjä 1/

172 nimeltä Kjama [Кяма]?< *Käme, joka voi sekin liittyä tähän yhteyteen. Arkangelin alueel la on nähtävästi puhuttu jotain tuntematonta arkaaista uralilaista kieltä (Saarikivi 2006: 56; Matveev 2004: ), jossa sana *käme joki on saattanut esiintyä. Kemi SUOMI Kemi Tširkka- Kemi Karjalan tasavalta Onega Kjama Kem(V)-hydronyymi Arkangelin alue Dvina Kymi Ääninen Kema Syväri Laatokka Kem ozero Pietari Pietari Kemenka Šeksna Olhava Kemka Novgorod Msta Kemnica Kemka Mologa Kemas Suhona Vologda Kema Kema Unža Kartta 17. Kem(V)-hydronyymit. Olettaisin suomalaisen nimen Kymi olevan Kemi-nimen variantti lähinnä semanttisista syistä. Myös Sirkka Paikkala (ks. SPK s. v. Kemijärvi) on viitannut tähän mahdollisuuteen. On mahdollista, että itämerensuomalaisessa kieliympäristössä vokaalin *e y:llistyminen on johtunut vokaalin asemasta labiaalikonsonantin edellä, esimerkiksi balttilais lainoissa *kepta- > vksm küpte kypsä, liet kepùre ~ sm kypärä (SSA 1 s. v. kypsä, s. v. kypärä). Koivulehto (1987: 36 37) on pitänyt mahdollisena, että Kymijoki on saanut nimensä germaanisesta originaalista suualueensa helppopääsyisen satamapaikan mukaan < kgerm *kwēmja- helppopääsyinen. Tällainen nimeämisperuste suuren joen ollessa kyseessä on harvinainen. Joen ruotsinkielinen nimi Kymmene saattaa palautua suomenkieliseen genetiiviin Kymen-. Kymenvirta on virran nimi sen ylä juoksulla (SPK s. v. Kymijoki). Lahdessa (Nastolassa) sijaitseva Kymijärvi on nimestä päätellen katsottu muinoin joen lähdejärveksi. Vesiyhteys on kapea, mutta yhä olemassa. Tämä heikentää entisestään joen suualueen mukaan esitettyä etymologiaa. Johan Schalin (2012: ) kylläkin katsoo ruotsinkielisen asun juontuvan sanasta Kymiminne Kyminsuu. Tällöinkin nimikannaksi jää kuitenkin Kymi. Ensitavun etuvokaali saattaa siis varioida e ~y ~ i(i) ja jopa ~ie viitaten substraattikieliseen originaaliin Osa eroavuuksista saattaa johtua vain varhaisten kirjurien horjuvasta tavasta merkitä muistiin epäruotsalaisia nimiä. Sjögrenin muistiinpanoja voi kuitenkin pitää ortografialtaan luotettavina. 24 virittäjä 1/2013

173 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä 4.7 Yhteenveto Topografisin perustein voi väittää, että Suomen alueella muinoin asune(id)en x-kielis(t)en populaatio(ide)n kielessä tai kielissä on ollut Keski- ja Pohjois-Venäjänkin nimistössä yleisesti esiintyvät maastoappellatiivit, jotka voidaan palauttaa suomalais-permiläisen kantakielen tasossa asuihin < *ukti kannas, taipale ja < *veksi tai *viksi välijoki. Se, että edellä mainituista sanoista johdetuilla nimillä on useita erilaisia äänteellisiä variantteja, on vaikeasti selitettävissä siten, että variantit olisivat suomen tai saamen kielestä kadonneita muinaissanoja varsinkin, kun variantit muodostavat yhtenäisiä alueellisia kokonaisuuksia (kartta 24). Äänteellinen vaihtelevuus voi näin ollen selittyä kantasanan myöhemmällä murteutumisella tai erilaisilla adaptaatioilla. Varianttien runsaus saattaa viitata substraattilähtöisyyteen (Saarikivi 2006: 15; Salmons 1992: 267). Tietysti voi topografisesta yhtäläisyydestä huolimatta väittää, ettei kyseessä ole variointi vaan että taustalla on erimerkityksisiä sanoja. Mielestäni sellainen väite on lähinnä juuri topografisista syistä kuitenkin tässä esitettyä selitystä heikommalla pohjalla. Nimien levintä on erittäin epäitämerensuomalainen eikä ulotu Viroon tai Etelätai Länsi-Suomen rannikkokaistalle. Kaakkoisilta osiltaan nämä nimityypit sijoittuvat muinaismerjalaisille alueille eivätkä siis vastaa tähänastisen tutkimuksen olettamaa kantasaamenkaan puhuma-aluetta. Suont-, Sond- sekä Kem(V)-nimillä on samanlainen levikki kuin edellä esitetyillä Uht-, Oht-, Vuoht- sekä Veks-, Vi(i)ks-, Vieks- ja Vääks-hydronyymeillä. Näin ollen on perusteltua olettaa niiden palautuvan samaan yhteiseen kieleen (tai sen murteisiin), josta ei ole jäänyt kielen muistomerkkejä mordvalaisalueille, Viroon eikä Suomenlahden rannikkoalueille, mutta jolla on yhteisiä piirteitä merjalais- ja muromalaisalueiden nimistön kanssa (ks. Rahkonen 2012: 19 21). 5 Järviä, joiden nimiin liittyy formantti -ari, -äri, -ere Suomen alueella esiintyy joukko vanhoja järvennimiä, joita yhdistää formantti -ari, -äri ja -ere. Koska formantti liittyy järvien nimiin ja sen asu näyttää läheisesti muistuttavan länsiuralilaisissa kielissä esiintyvää sanaa > marii jer L jär, mde eŕke M ärkä, li jāra, ims *järve, ksa *jāvrē (SSA 1 s. v. järvi) järvi, voi sen taustalla olevan kielen olettaa olleen länsiuralilainen. Jokseenkin samanasuisia formantteja on kapealla alueella Ojatti-joen latvoilla: järvien nimet Särg äŕ (MAG32), Rog aŕ (MAG33,45), Vadž aŕ (MAG34,35), Ahv aŕ (MAG35,37), Kiľľ aŕ (MAG35), Kops aŕ (MAG35), Pik äŕ (MAG35), Voukt aŕ (MAG39), Voukt ar (MAG37,43), Hit aŕ, Süv äŕ järv, Pitk äŕ, Ind äŕ järv, Kal aŕ, Kuž aŕ, Kuŕg äŕ, Lept äŕ, Mum aŕ, Must aŕ, Om aŕ, Pad aŕ, Čog aŕ, Šat aŕ, Tukš aŕ (MAG43 47), Kek äŕ järv (MAG51), Kaid aŕ (MAG53) Ašt aŕ järv (MAG61), Piťť aŕ järv (MAG85). Se, että vepsäläisalueen nimissä toisinaan liitetään sana -järv formantin -aŕ/-äŕ jälkeen, viittaa siihen, etteivät vepsäläiset välttämättä aina ymmärtäneet formantin etymologista alkuperää. Siinä tapauksessa formantti voi olla varsinaista vepsäläisaikaa vanhempi, mutta nimikannoista päätellen kuitenkin itämerensuomalainen. Vastaavan virittäjä 1/

174 laisia asuja Suomessa on selitetty nimen kulumisella, esimerkiksi Kalm ari <?Kalmajärvi (SPK s. v. Kalmari) ja saamen -jár- < jávrri (Aikio 2007: ). Tosin Aikion esittämät saamelaisesimerkit ovat sellaisia, joissa järvi -sana on nimen sisällä eikä perus osana, kuten hän itsekin toteaa. Edellä esitettyjen Ojatin vesistössä esiintyvien hydronyymien nimikannoista suurin osa on johdettavissa itämerensuomesta, mutta jotkin saamen tapaisesta kielestä, kuten Vadž- < ksa *vōčō- herua (Lehtiranta 2001: 150) tai esisaame *waććo kapea suo (Aikio 2006: 12) ja Čog- < ksa *ćokke latva (Lehtiranta 2001: 24). Melko suuri osa näistä nimistä juontuu kuitenkin ilmeisen tuntemattomasta kielestä, kuten nimikannat Ind-, Mum-, Om-, Šat-, Tukš- ja Ašt-. Tässä yhteydessä on syytä mainita, että useilla Lapin opaakeilla suurten vesien nimillä on vastineita juuri Syvärin vesistöalueella: Lappi: Inari ~ Inder jaur [1593] vs. Syväri: Indärjärv (MAG44) Lappi: Teno < *Tänu vs. Syväri: Tänus (MAG56) Lappi: Muddusjävri vs. Syväri: Mundus (MAG7) Lappi: Veahcajávri < *Väcca- vs. Syväri: Vjač ezero (MAG19), Vjačč ezero (MAG27) Lappi: Paađaar vs. Syväri: Padaŕ (MAG45) Tämä suo mahdollisuuden olettaa, että yleensäkin syväriläiset nimityypit ovat saattaneet levitä Suomen alueelle aina Lappia myöten. Seuraavassa tarkastelen joidenkin kirjallisuudessa melko usein käsiteltyjen -ari-, -äri- ja -ere-loppuisten nimien etymologista, topografista ja levintään liittyvää taustaa (ks. SPK:n artikkeleita). Niitä ovat Inari, Ähtäri, Koitere, Syväri. Olen esitellyt nimityyppien maantieteellisen sijainnin, varhaisemman tutkimuksen tuloksia sekä perustellut omia johtopäätöksiäni tarkastellen sekä nimikantoja että formantteja erikseen. 5.1 In ari Variantteja: sai Aanaar, sap Anár, ru Enare, vanhat dokumentit Inderiaur v. 1593, Indiager v (SPK 99), Indiager eller Enara Träsk (Hällström 2005 [1799]). Samuli Aikio (SPK s. v. Inari) katsoo aivan perustellusti, että nimi Inari periytyy jostain tuntemattomasta muinaiskielestä. On erittäin tärkeää huomioida vanhojen lähteiden nykynimestä poikkeavat variantit: vuonna 1593 Ind er iaur ja vielä niinkin myöhään kuin vuosina 1729 ja 1799 Ind iager (SPK s. v. Inari; Hällström 2005 [1799]). Formantit -iaur < sa *jauri ja -iager; vrt. merja *jäγra/ä (Ahlqvist 2006: 12; Rahkonen 2011: ) ovat huomionarvoisia. Suomenkielisessä nimessä In ari ei jälkikomponentti -ari välttämättä juonnu saamen sanasta jauri, koska variantin Ind er iaur sekä -er- että -iaur-komponenteilla on ilmeisesti sama merkitys järvi. 20 Tuskin saamelaiset inarilaiset olisivat toistaneet samassa nimessä kahta kertaa peräkkäin samaa saamelaista sanaa. Sen sijaan näyttää siltä, että komponentit -er- ja -iager- palautuvat yhtei 20. Hyvin mahdollisesti kirjurien merkitsemä -er- ääntyi reaalikielessä -är-. 26 virittäjä 1/2013

175 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä seen originaaliin. Variantti -er- vastannee nimen nykysaamelaisia jälki komponentteja -ár ja -aar (sap An ár ja sai Aan aar). Syvärin vesistöalueella ja Vologdan alueella esiintyy nimien määriteosa jagr(v) (< *jäγrä), jonka muun muassa Mullonen (2002: ), Matveev (2001) ja Saarikivi (2006: 35, alaviite 37) ovat tulkinneet merkitykseltään järvi -sanaksi. 21 Indiager-variantin jälkikomponentilla -iager järvi on siis runsaasti vastineita Syvärin vesistöalueella ja Vologdan alueella (kartta 18). Karjalan tasavalta Onega Arkangelin obl. Dvina Komi Ääninen Vytšegda atokka Syväri Olhava Suhona Msta Mologa Šeksna Vologda Un a Ind- Jagr- Kartta 18. Ind- ja Jagr-hydronyymit Syvärin Suhonan alueella. Formantin lisäksi myös nimikannalla ind- on useampia vastineita Syväri Suhonaalueelta: Ojatin latvoilla Sondaljoen reitillä Ind äŕ ~ Ind äŕ järv ~ Индярьозеро (MAG44) ja Šokšan reitillä Indaz järv (MAG56), Vologdan alueella Suhonan vesistössä Sokol skin piirissä joki nimeltä Inda sar (AVO60V3), Valkeajärven pohjoispuolella Indoma nka (AVO13G6). Matveev (2001: 252) mainitsee pohjoisvenäläisen joen nimen Ind iga. Karjalan tasavallassa Suojärven piirissä esiintyy nimi Inda lammed (NA). Mahdollisesti nimi Inari on siis kehittynyt nykymuotoonsa alkuperäisestä asustaan *Indjäγ(ə)r ~ (vanhoissa dokumenteissa) Indiager kantasaamelaisen adaptaation kautta, jonka tuloksena ovat asut sai Aanaar ~ sap Anár ~ sm Inari. 22 Nimikannan taustalla oleva sana *ind(v)- ei juonnu tunnetuista nykykielistä. 21. Vrt. nimet Jagra (MAG4), Jagro ručej ~ Jagreẻj (MAG6), Jagrema (MAG59), Jagra ~ Jagr ozero (MAG102), Jagrema (AVO13A7), Jagryš (AVO26G2), Jagryš skoe boloto (AVO36A1) (suolla on lukuisia pieniä järviä), Jagryš (AVO46G3) (joki virtaa järven läpi), Jagryš (AVO46B3), Jagryš (AVO56B2) (joki lähtee järvestä), Jagryš (AVO66A3). 22. Nimen inarinsaamelainen asu Aanaar tuntuisi edellyttävän kantasaamen originaalia *E ne r, kun taas pohjoissaamen Anár < *E nēr. Horjuvuus liittynee nimen adaptaatioon jostain substraattikielestä. virittäjä 1/

176 5.2 Äht äri < *Ätsäri Ähtärinjärvi on geologisesti yksi Suomen mielenkiintoisimmista. Sen vedet ovat alun perin laskeneet Ähtävänjokea < *Ätsävä myöten Pohjanlahteen. Geologien arvion mukaan Inhanjoen synnyttyä vanhalla vedenjakajalla noin vuotta sitten (kartta 19) alkoi niin sanottu bifurkaatiovaihe, jolloin vedet laskivat kahteen suuntaan, Kokemäenjoen vesistöön ja Ähtäväjokeen. Yhteys Ähtävänjokeen katkesi noin vuotta sitten (n. 500 jkr.). Nykyinen vedenjakaja on suurin piirtein Livonlähteen kohdalla (kartta 19). (Seppä & Tikkanen 2006: ) Latojoki Ouluvesi Poikkijoki Livonlähde Peränne Inhanjoki Nimet *Ätsävä (joki) ja *Ätsäri (järvi) viittaavat muinaiseen latvajärvi- tai laskuvesisuhteeseen (Vilkuna 1951; SPK s. v. Ähtävä lähteineen). Näin epäilemättä onkin. Siinä tapauksessa nimet on annettu vähintään yli vuotta sitten ennen vesiyhteyden katkeamista, jolloin nimikanta *ätsä saattaa olla jopa vuotta vanha tai sitäkin vanhempi. Nimikannan *ätsä- etymologia on vaikeasti selitettävissä (SPK s. v. Ähtäri, Ähtävä). Viljo Nissilä (1960: ) on esittänyt, että nimi voisi juontua sap ahcit tulvia vastaavasta sanasta. Tämä ei kuitenkaan näytä ensitavun a:n tähden äänteellisesti moitteettomalta ratkaisulta, koska äännehistoriallisesti nykysaamen a palautuu < *e - < *i-. Äts-nimi on mitä luultavimmin vähintään kantasaamen aikainen (ks. edellä), joten nimen ensi tavun vokaali ä ei voi olla kantasaamen vokaalin *e (tai sitä varhaisemman *i) vastine. *Ätsäri dokumentoituna nimenä on hyvin vanha, nimen etymologia on hä Ähtärinjärvi Hankavesi Kartta 19. Ähtärinjärvi. 28 virittäjä 1/2013

177 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä märä ja geologiset seikat viittaavat järven nimen *Ätsäri ja joen nimen *Ätsävä keskinäiseen yhteyteen ennen vesiyhteyden katkeamista (n. 500 jkr.). Näistä syistä on perusteltua ottaa huomioon mahdollisuus, että nimikanta *ätsä- saattaa juontua jostain tuntemattomasta esihistoriallisesta muinaiskielestä. Topo grafian kannalta nimi voisi liittyä kannaksiin, mutta mitään todistetta tai rinnakkais tapauksia ei voi esittää, ellei sellaiseksi ota Kyyjärven Ähtyrinpuroa, joka virtaa kahden laajahkon suon välitse. Suot ovat saattaneet olla nimen antamisen aikaan matalia järviä. Järven nimen -äri-jälkikomponentin on katsottu syntyneen nimen kulumisen seurauksena asusta *Ätsäjärvi (SPK s. v. Ähtäri). Kuitenkin esimerkiksi nimen asu Etz eri Jerfwi vuodelta 1650 (mp.) tuntuisi viittaavan siihen, että perusosa -järvi ei ollut kulunut nimessä Ätsäri eikä -äri-komponentin merkitystä ole tunnistettu sanaksi järvi. Näin ollen on hyvinkin mahdollista, että nimen loppuosa -äri on paljon vanhempaa perua (vrt. varhaiset asiakirjanimet Edzör v. 1582, Edzärö v. 1613; mp. lähteineen). Ähtävän ruotsinkielisessä nimessä Esse esiintyvä konsonanttiyhtymä -ss- lienee peräisin suomalaisesta substraatista (SPK s. v. Ähtävä), joka vastaa lähistöllä puhuttavaa Vetelin Kaustisen murretta, jossa muun muassa metsä ~ messä, itse ~ isse, vitsa ~ vissa, vrt. paikannimi Vissavesi [Kaustinen] (GT2000: 107), karissa karitsa [Kaustinen, Veteli] (ALFE 3 s. v. karitsa). Pietarsaaren seudulla Ähtävänjoen varsilla esiintyy ruotsinkielinen nimi Edsev ö < *Ätsävä saari, mikä osaltaan näyttäisi todistavan joen nimen vanhemmasta asusta *Ätsävä. 5.3 Koit ere Suomessa: Koita (joki) (GT2000: ), Koitter järvi (GT2000: 60D1) [Savonlinna], Koitelinkoski [Kiiminki], Koitamanniemi [Orivesi], Koiti järvi, -joki [Taivalkoski] (NA). Mahdollisia vastineita Venäjällä: Koiton jarvi ~ Koitajärvi (TKRK91),?Kojk a (AJO75),?Kojca (AKO31A2),?Kojka (AKO173B2),?Kojka (ATO65B4),?Koj (AVO56B3),?Koja ra (GBO129). Koska joen nimi on Koita, voi olettaa, että järvien Koit ere (GT2000: 102D2) ja Koitt er -er(e)- jälkikomponentti palautuu johonkin järvi -sanaan. Käsitellessään Koit-nimistöä SPK:n (s. v. Koitijärvi, s. v. Koitelinkoski) kirjoittajat esittävät täysin perusteitta arvelun näiden nimien saamelaisperäisyydestä. Saarikivi (2006: 43) mainitsee, että Arkangelin aluee n Pinegan seudulla esiintyy venäjän murresana койдома [kojdoma] kulkukelpoinen suoalue, vrt. Oriveden Koitamanniemi (NA). Saarikivi on verrannut sitä itämeren suomen sanaan keidas < germ skaiδaz. Topografisesti tämä selitys ei semanttisista syistä päde edellä esitettyihin Koit(V)-nimiin. virittäjä 1/

178 Kostonjoki Kutinjoki Koitijoki Koitijärvi Kostonjoki Kartta 20. Koitijärvi (Taivalkoski). Koitere Koitajoki Koitajoki Nuorajärvi Kartta 21. Koitajoki ja Koitere (Ilomantsi). 30 virittäjä 1/2013

179 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä Koitterjärvi Kiiminkijoki Kuivinselkä Koitterlahti Koitterniemi Koittervuori Yleensä on ajateltu, että Syväri palautuu asuun < *Syväjärvi johtuen järven syvyydestä (SPK s. v. Syväri). Näin ei kuitenkaan ilmeisesti ole. Ensinnäkin muutamat Suomen Syväri-järvet ovat suorastaan melko matalia. Toiseksi tunnetuin Syväri, joka yhdistää Laatokan ja Äänisen, ei edes ole järvi, vaan joki. Näyttäisi siltä, että syväri on ollut maastoappellatiivi, joka ei kuvaa veden syvyyttä, vaan vedenkokouman ja sen vieressä sijaitsevan maankohouman välistä huo Koitelinkoski Koiteli Kartta 22. Kartta 23. Koitter-nimipesye (Savonlinna). Koiteli-saari Koitelinkoskessa (Kiiminki). Periaatteessa kyseessä ehkä voisi olla kantasaamen aikainen, nykysaamesta kadonnut, mahdollisesti itämerensuomen kautta eteläsaamelaisiin kieliin saatu vanha germaani laina: kgerm *gaiđō- > ims *kaita (SSA 1 s. v. kaita)?> ksa *kōjtē; vrt. sm kaima ~ ksa kōjmē (Lehtiranta 2001: 60). Koitelinkoskessa esiintyy pitkän ja kapean saaren nimi Koiteli (kartta 23). Koitterjärven (kartta 22) tapauksessa vesiyhteys on katkennut, mutta on ilmiselvästi aiemmin muodostanut pitkän ja kapean reitin nykyisten (lännessä) Koitterlahden ja Koitterjärven välillä sekä (idässä) Koittervuoren vieressä, missä yhä on jonkinlainen oja. Kaita -etymologia sopii topografisesti kaikkiin edellä esitettyihin nimiin: Koitijärvi on pitkä ja kapea (kartta 20), ja Koitereen eteläinen lahti, jonka läpi Koita-joki virtaa, on samaten pitkä ja kapea (kartta 21). Koitterjärven muinainen sivureitti on ollut kapeikko, ja Koiteli on hyvin kapea ja pitkä saari. 5.4 Syväri [Nilsiä] Suomessa: Syvärinen [Äänekoski], Syväri [Joensuu], Syväri [Leppävuori], Syväri; Iso-, Pieni [Soini], Syväri [Sulkava/Juva], Syväri & Pikkusyväri [Lestijärvi] (NA). Vastineita Venäjällä: Svir ~Syväri (MAG1), Süväŕ (MAG34), Süväŕ ~ Glubokoe ozero (MAG44), Sivozero ~ Sivärgod (MAG41). virittäjä 1/

180 mattavaa korkeuseroa. Kaikki Suomen Syvärit näyttävät olevan sellaisia 23 : Nilsiän Syväri(järven) vieressä on nykyisin laskettelurinteenä toimiva Tahkomäki, joka kohoaa toistasataa metriä järven vedenpinnan yläpuolelle. Äänekosken Syvärinen sijaitsee Syvärinmäen kupeessa. Korkeuseroa on yli 60 metriä. Joensuun Syväri sijaitsee noin 50 metriä viereistä Syvärinmäkeä alempana, samoin Leppävirran Syväri, jonka kupeessa Syvärinvuori kohoaa yli 50 metriä ylemmäksi. Sulkavan ja Juvan rajalla Hakulisenvuori nousee 50 metriä korkeammalle kuin viereinen Syväri. Lestijärven Syväri on noin 10 metriä syvä suppa, jonka pohjalla on vettä. Kyseessä on siis (järven, joen, supan) vedenpinnan poikkeuksellisen suuri korkeusero verrattuna ympäröivään maastoon. Eräissä uralilaisissa kielissä on sanoja, jotka merkitsevät sekä korkeaa että syvää, mikä on tavallista monissa muissakin kielissä, muun muassa md seŕej~seŕev~seŕeŋ (MW 4 s. v. seŕ), komi džudži d (SSKD s. v. джуджыд). Tämä vahvistaa edellä esitetyn semanttisen merkityksen mahdollisuutta. Syväri-vesien -äripääte ei näin ollen palaudu järveä merkitsevään sanaan, vaan kyseessä on johdin -ri, siis ims sana syvä + johdin -ri. 5.5 Yhteenveto Näyttäisi siltä, että *-(V)ri-formantti liittyy Suomen alueella joihinkin opaakkeihin asiakirjojenkin mukaan vanhoihin (Inari 1556, 1593, Ähtäri 1582, Koitere 1500; ks. SPK) suurten järvien nimiin. Joennimet Ähtävä ja Koita viittaavat siihen, että formantti *-(V)ri liittyy nimenomaan järviin. Koska varsinkin nimikannat *in(d)- ja *ätsä ovat etymologisesti vaikeasti selitettäviä ja ilmeisesti hyvin vanhoja, voi niiden olettaa periytyvän sanastosta, joka ei ainakaan suoraan ole johdettavissa nykykielistä. Formantti kuitenkin on uralilaista perua. Nimen Inari variantilla Inder jaur on ilmeisiä vastineita Syvärin vesistöalueella ja Vologdan alueen länsiosissa niin kuin monilla muillakin Lapin suurten vesien nimillä. Tämä ansaitsisi tarkempaa tutkimusta, mikä ei tässä ole mahdollista. Nimistöllistä yhteyttä voisi selittää hyvin vanha Lapin eränkäynti, jota olisivat harjoittaneet Syvärin seudun ja Pohjois-Venäjän järviseudun muinaiset asukkaat jo ennen Lapin saamelaistumista. Edellä esitettyjen lisäksi on sellaisia -ari-päätteisiä järvennimiä kuin Hot ari [Kitee], Iso- ja Pieni-Viht ari [Heinävesi], Itt ari [Joutsa], Kot ari järvi [Orivesi], Kiv ari järvi [Pudasjärvi], Kiv ari njärvi [Puolanka] (NA). Jotkin näistä ovat pienehköjä järviä. Heinä veden Vihtari-järvet, Puolangan Kivarinjärvi ja Pudasjärven Kivarijärvi ovat melko suuria. Räisänen (2007, SPK s. v. Kivarinjärvi) on johtanut Kivarinjärven sanasta kiva kova, luja + johdin -ri samalla tapaa kuin yllä esittämäni Syväri. Tämä selitys pätee johtimen osalta varmasti useisiin -(V)ri-päätteisiin järviin. 23. Korkeuserot on laskettu karttojen korkeuskäyristä. 32 virittäjä 1/2013

181 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä 6 Päätelmät Lopuksi voi sanoa, että useitten edellä esitettyjen nimien motivaatiot on helppo todeta, mutta niiden kielellinen tulkinta on huomattavasti hankalampaa. Joitain edellä esitetyistä nimistä voi topografisen säännönmukaisuutensa ja luontevan kanta kieleen palautumisensa tähden pitää etymologisesti ratkaistuina: Uht-, Oht-, V(u)oht-nimet taipale, vetokannas sekä Vieksi-, Viiksi- ja ehkä Vääksy-nimet välijoki. Joillekin nimikannoille taas löytyy varsin mahdollinen, mutta ei täysin varma etymologia: Kemi-?< *käme joki, virta, Sond-?< *sonta käyrä. Edellä tutkittu nimiaineisto sisältää etymologisesti myös hyvin epävarmoja nimiä, kuten Inari ~ Indiager, *Ätsäri ja Koitere. Kanta sanoihin *ukti, *veksi/*viksi, *sonta ja (kemi <)?*käme palautuvien nimien levikki on keskenään hyvin samankaltainen (kartta 24). Nimien taustalla esiintyvät sanat ovat tästä syystä oletettavasti peräisin samasta kielestä tai sen eri murteista. Variantit voi selittää joko erilaisina adaptaatioina tai alkuaankin eri murteisiin kuuluneina sanoina. Tässä artikkelissa esitetyistä nimistä paleoeurooppalaisia nimikantoja voisivat olla Äts- ja Ind-, koska niille ei löydy minkäänlaista uralilaisiin kieliin perustuvaa etymologiaa. Tällöin näiden nimikantojen yhteydessä esiintyvä -(V)ri-formantti < järvi voisi olla myöhempää uralilaista perua. Tuntemattomiin uralilaisiin kielimuotoihin taas perustunevat kannaksiin liittyvät Uht-, Oht-, Vuoht-nimet, välijokiin liittyvät Vieks-, Viiks- ja mahdollisesti Vääks- nimet sekä Kemi- ja S(u)ont-nimet. Näiden nimien taustalla esiintyvät sanat *viksi/*veksi ja mahdollisena esittämäni *käme palautuvat suomalais-permiläiseen kantakieleen sekä *ukti aina kantauraliin. Ne ovat siis vanhoja uralilaiskieliin liittyviä perintösanoja, joita nimistön levinnän pohjalta arvioiden ei ole enää esiintynyt myöhäis kantasuomessa, kantamordvassa eikä kantasaamessa, mutta kylläkin merjalaiskielissä ja pohjoisissa x- kielissä (Rahkonen 2012: 20, kartta 2). Edellä esitettyjen nimien voisi tietysti periaatteessa ajatella perustuvan itämerensuomesta tai saamesta kadonneeseen sanastoon. Kun ottaa huomioon suurimpien järvien etymologisesti opaakkien nimien suuren määrän, noin 25 prosenttia, tuntuu vaikealta hyväksyä lukumääräisesti näin suureen kadonneeseen suomalaiseen tai saamelaiseen sanastoon perustuva selitysmalli. Sen sijaan oletettavampaa on, että taustalla on jokin tuntematon kieli tai joukko lähisukukieliä tai niiden murteita. Esitetyn nimistön levintä (kartta 24) ei sekään tue lainkaan itämerensuomalaista lähtö kohtaa, koska näitä nimiä ei esiinny Suomen niin sanotun rannikkokulttuurin eikä Viron alueella, jonne myöhäiskantasuomea puhunut väestö perinteisesti on sijoitettu (Itkonen 1980; Kallio 2006: 18, 2009: 40 42). Lisäksi esiintyy äänteellisiä vaikeuksia, esimerkiksi kantauralin *ukti > ims oht- tai vuoht- ei ole mahdollinen. Kantasaamelainen lähtökohta olisi areaalisesti vain osittain mahdollinen eikä foneettisesti tai leksikaalisestikaan ongelmaton. Esimerkiksi kantauralin *ukti ei ensitavun vokaalinsa tähden voi edustua saamessa asussa uht(v). Kantasaamelaisen ensitavun vokaalin pitäisi olla <o> (ksa *okte ). Saamelaishypoteesi on epätodennäköinen myös kaikkialla säännöllisesti esiintyvän konsonattiyhtymänsä -ht- tähden (Uht-, Oht-, V(u)oht-), vaikka ottaisi huo mioon Sisä-Suomen kadonneiden saamelaiskielten toden näköisen virittäjä 1/

182 fono logisen ja leksikaalisen monimuotoisuudenkin (Aikio 2009; Saarikivi 2004b) tai itämeren suomalaisen adaptaation. Missään nykyään tunnetussa saamelaiskielessä ei esiinny kantasanoihin*ukti, *veksi/*viksi, *käme, *sonta palautuvia sanoja. Näin ollen näiden nimien taustalla oleva sanasto näyttää kadonneen jo ennen suomen, saamen ja mordvankin erilliskehitystä. 24 Sen sijaan on luultavampaa, että sanat säilyivät kauem min olettamassani x-kielessä (tai -kielissä) ja merjalaiskielissä. Melko laajasti säilynyt edellä esitetty nimistö tuskin on kokonaisuudessaan niin vanhaa, että olisi peräisin suomalais permiläisen kantakielen ajoilta asti. Tällöin nimien iäksi tulisi peräti vuotta riippuen kantakielten ikäämisestä. Koit(V)-nimikannan taustalla oleva sana saattaa olla itämerensuomesta kantasaamen eteläisiin murteisiin tullut germaani peräinen laina. Edellä esitettyjen nimien yhteinen levikki vastaa pitkälti tekstiilikeramiikan (Suomessa ekr.) levintäaluetta Suomessa ja Pohjois-Venäjällä (Carpelan & Parpola 2001: 89, kartta 21). Jo von Hertzen (1973: 80 82) nojautuen eri arkeologien näkemyksiin viittasi siihen mahdollisuuteen, että juuri tekstiilikeraamikot uralilaistivat Itämeren alueen. Tämä on epäuskottavaa, koska tekstiilikeramiikka levisi vain Sisä Suomeen ja Karjalaan. Myöhemmin esimerkiksi Carpelan on useissakin yhteyksissä katsonut tekstiilikeramiikan leviämisen luoteeseen kohti Karjalaa ja Suomea merkinneen jonkinasteista väestöliikettä, mutta siten, että alkuperäisväestö säilyi (mm. Carpelan 1998: 82; Carpelan & Parpola 2001: 88 89). Muutoinkin on todettava, että von Hertzenin artikkelin kirjoittamisen jälkeen on kertynyt paljon uutta tekstiilikeramiikkaa koskevaa tietoa (esim. Lavento 2001). Tekstiilikeramiikka syntyi Okan Ylä-Volgan alueella vanhan nuorakeraamisen kulttuurin pohjalta (Venäjällä Fatjanovon kulttuuri n ekr.) ja osaltaan Pozdnjako von kulttuurin vaikutuksesta noin 1900 ekr. (mm. Carpelan 1999: 268). Tekstiilikeramiikka ei suinkaan ollut mikään täysin yhtenäinen kokonaisuus, sillä sen sisällä esiintyi monia alaryhmiä jo pelkästään Suomen ja Karjalan alueilla (ks. Lavento 2001: , 185). Keski-Venäjältä levinnyt tekstiilipainanteinen keramiikka Suomessa ja Karjalassa oli kuitenkin uusi innovaatio muun muassa siinä mielessä, että siinä sideaine yleensä oli orgaanista perua syrjäyttäen pitkälti aiemmin käytetyn asbestin (mts ). Tätä voi pitää teknisenä huononnuksena, mikä saattaa epä suorasti tukea ajatusta migraatiosta, koska voisi olettaa, ettei alkuperäisväestö olisi vaihtanut huono laatuisempaan keramiikkaan. Asbesti säilyttikin osittain asemansa sideaineena ja viittaa alkuperäisväestön säilymiseen alueella (Carpelan & Parpola 2001: 89; Lavento 2001: 167). Asbestin käyttö nousi uuteen kukoistukseen varhaisella rautakaudella Luukon saaren ja Sirnihtan keramiikassa (Lavento 2001: 116). Tulkitsisin nimistöaineistoa hypoteettisesti siten, että länsiuralilaisen kielen 25 pohjoista murretta puhuneet tekstiilikeraamikot alkoivat rautakaudelle tultaessa Suomen ja Karjalan alueella eriytyä kielellisesti toisaalta kantasaamelaiseksi ja toisaalta 24. Näihin muinaissanoihin perustuvaa nimistöä ei esiinny myöskään muinaisilla mordvalaisalueilla (ks. Rahkonen 2012: 19 20, kartta 2). 25. Länsiuralilaisella kielellä tarkoitan jokseenkin samaa kuin perinteinen ilmaus suomalaismordvalainen kantakieli. 34 virittäjä 1/2013

183 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä x kieliseksi ryhmäksi tai luultavammin eri murteisiin perustuviksi ryhmiksi. Kantasaamella oli enemmän yhteistä sen kantasuomalaisen kielimuodon kanssa, josta syntyi sittemmin itämerensuomi (Sammallahti 1999: 70). Sillä oli lisäksi germaanikontakteja (Aikio 2006). Sen sijaan x-kielellä (-kielillä), jolla saattoi olla useampia tytärkieliä, oli enemmän yhteyttä Rybinskin Kostroman Volgalle (merjalaisalueille) ja etenkin Venäjän pohjoiselle järvialueelle. Suomen alueella esiintyvällä x-kielisellä nimistöllä onkin erittäin vahva edustus juuri Syvärin ja Suhonan välisellä alueella (kartta 24). Kantasaamelaisia Paleoeurooppalaista väestöä Kem(V), Kymi Ind- Uht-, Oht-, Voht- Veks-, Vieks-, Viiks-, Vääks- Sond-, Suont-, Sundkantasaamen leviämissuunnat Arkangel X-kielistä uralilaista väestöä Kantasuomalaisia ja germaaneja Helsinki? Kantasuomalaisia St.Petersburg X-kielen ydinalue Vologda Kartta 24. Tuntemattomaan uralilaiseen kieleen perustuvaa nimistöä ja etnografinen tilanne ensimmäisellä tuhatluvulla ekr. sekä kantasaamen leviämisen suunnat. virittäjä 1/

184 Onega Vienanjoki Ääninen Helsinki Laatokka Suhona Pietari Olhava Väinäjoki Volga tekstiilikeramiikan alue (n ekr). Moskova Oka Volga Oka Kartta 25. Tekstiilikeramiikan levintä Carpelanin ja Parpolan (2001: 89) mukaan. Itkosen (1997), Kallion (tulossa 2013) ja Saarikiven (2011) näkemyksiin yhtyen en usko, että varsinaista suomalais-saamelaista kantakieltä reaalisesti puhuttuna kielenä koskaan oli olemassa. Heidän esittämiinsä argumentteihin voi vielä lisätä, että esimerkiksi merjalla ja saamella oli joitain sellaisia yhteisiä piirteitä, joilla ei ole vastineita itämeren suomessa. Merjalaisalueiden nimistön pohjalta voi rekonstruoida muun muas sa sanan alkuisen *a:n vo:llistumisen, esimerkiksi merja *volo- vs. ksa *vōlē ala-, merja *vondo- vs. ksa *vōmtē- antaa tai järvi -sanan palautuminen itämerensuomesta poiketen kanta sanaan *jäkrä > ksa *jāvrē, merja *jäγra/ä (Saarikivi 2004a: 216; Rahkonen 2009: , 2011: 241, 2012: 19 20, 23). Länsiuralilaisten kielten historian ymmärtämiseksi merjalaiskielten tuntemisen merkitys on suuri. 26 Tähän myös Itkonen (1997: 255) viittaa. Olettaisin mieluummin uralilaisten kielten läntisen haaran hajautuneen vähitellen murteutumisen ja ulkoisten keskenään erilaisten kontaktien kautta suoraan niiksi kanta kieliksi, joista polveutuvat mordva, itämerensuomi, saame, merja ja sellaiset meille tuntemattomat ryhmät, joita ovat olleet muun muassa novgorodilaiset tšuudit (Rahkonen 2011) sekä edellä esitetty pohjoinen länsiuralilainen x-kielinen ryhmä tai ryhmät. 26. Merjalaiskieliin kuuluivat itse merjan lisäksi muroma, niin sanottu itä-tšuudi ja pohjoisen järviseudun kieli (ks. Rahkonen 2012: 19 27, 38, 2011: ). 36 virittäjä 1/2013

185 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä Kartat AJO = Атлас Ярославской области. 1: Москва: Роскартография AKO = Атлас Костромской области. 1: Тверь: Роскартография ALO = Атлас Ленинградская овласть. 1: Санкт-Петербург: ФГУП «Аэрогеодезия» ANO = Атлас. Новгородская область. 1: Новгород: ФГУП Новгородское Аэрогеодезическое Предприятие ATO = Атлас Тверской области. 1: Москва: Роскартография AVO = Атлас Вологодская область. 1: СТ. Петербург: ФГУП «Аэрогеодезия» GT2000 = GT Tiekartasto : , 1: Helsinki: Karttakeskus GUGK/Onega = ГУГК СССР Онега. 1: Ленинград: ГУГК GUGK/Kotlas = ГУГК СССР Котлас. 1: Ленинград: ГУГК TKRK = Топографическая карта. Республика Карелия. 1: Санкт-Петербург: ВТУ ГШ WRG = Vasmer, Max Wörterbuch der Russischen gewässernamen I V. Berlin: Nachtrag. Lähteet Ahlqvist = Альквист, Арья 2001: Субстратная топонимия Ярославского Поволжья. Очерки исторической географии северо-запад России. А. С. Герд & Г. С. Лебедев (toim.), Славяне и финны s Санкт Петербург: Издательство С. Петербургског о университета. 2006: Ancient lakes in the former Finno-Ugrian territories of Central Russia. An experimental onomastic. Paleogeographical study. Juhani Nuorluoto (toim.), The slavicization of the Russian North s Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University. Aikio, Ante 2004: An essay on substrate studies and the origin of Saami. Irma Hyvärinen, Petri Kallio & Jarmo Korhonen (toim.), Etymologie, Entlehnungen und Entwicklungen. Festschrift für Jorma Koivulehto zum 70. Geburtstag s Mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki 63. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique. 2006: On Germanic-Saami contacts and Saami prehistory. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 91 s : The study of Saami substrate toponyms in Finland. Onomastica Uralica 4 s : The Saami loanwords in Finnish and Karelian. Oulu: [A. Aikio]. cc.oulu.fi/~anaikio/ slw.pdf. 2012: On Finnic long vowels, Samoyed vowel sequences, and Proto-Uralic *x. Tiina Hyytiäinen, Lotta Jalava, Janne Saarikivi & Erika Sandman (toim.), Per Urales ad Orientem. Iter polyphonicum multilingue s Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 264. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Aikio, Ante Aikio, Aslak 2001: Heimovaelluksista asutusjatkuvuuteen. Suomalaisen väestöhistorian tutkimuksen pirstoutuminen. Muinaistutkija 4/2001 s virittäjä 1/

186 Ainiala, Terhi Saarelma, Minna Sjöblom, Paula 2008: Nimistöntutkimuksen perusteet. Tietolipas 221. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. ALFE = Atlas Linguarum Fennicarum. Itämerensuomalainen kielikartasto. Alfe 3. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus Ariste, Paul 1971: Die ältesten Substrate in den ostseefinnischen Sprachen. Совецкое финно- угроведение 7 s Carpelan, Christian 1998: Suomi, häme, sabme sekä finne arkeologian näkökulmasta. Riho Grünthal & Johanna Laakso (toim.), Oekeeta asijoo. Commentationes Fenno-Ugricae in honorem Seppo Suhonen sexagenerii s Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 228. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. 1999: Käännekohtia Suomen esihistoriassa aikavälillä ekr. Paul Fogelberg (toim.), Pohjan poluilla. Suomalaisten juuret nykytutkimuksen mukaan s Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 153. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica. 2006: On archaeological aspects of Uralic, Finno-Ugric and Finnic societies before AD 800. Juhani Nuorluoto (toim.), The Slavicization of the Russian North s Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki: Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literatures at Helsinki University. Carpelan, Christian Parpola, Asko 2001: Emergence, contacts and dispersal of Proto-Indo-European, Proto-Uralic and Proto-Aryan in archaeological perspective. Christian Carpelan, Asko Parpola & Petteri Koskikallio (toim.), Early contacts between Uralic and Indo-European. Linguistic and archaeological considerations s Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Dal = Даль, Владимир : Тольковой словарь живого великорусского языка I IV. Москва: Русский Язык. Ganander = Christfrid Ganander 1997 [1787]: Nytt finskt lexicon. Toimittanut Liisa Nuutinen. Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja 95. Helsinki: Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus. GBO = Смолицкая Г. П. 1976: Гидронимия бассейна Оки. Москва. Hackman, Alfred 1905: Die Ältere Eisenzeit in Finnland. Helsingfors: [A. Hackman]. Hertzen von, Erik 1973: Itämerensuomen lainakerrostumien ikäämisestä. Suomalais- Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 72 s Huurre, Matti 1995: vuotta Suomen esihistoriaa. Helsinki: Otava. Häkkinen, Jaakko 2010a: Jatkuvuusperustelut ja saamelaisen kielen leviäminen 1. Muinaistutkija 1/2010 s b: Jatkuvuusperustelut ja saamelaisen kielen leviäminen 2. Muinaistutkija 2/2010 s Hällström, Carl Petter 2005 [1799]: Suomi-kartasto. Suomen Karttakirja Toimittaneet Jan Strang & Erkki-Sakari Harju. Porvoo: Genimap. Itkonen, Terho 1980: Suomessa puhutun suomen juuret. Tiede /1980 s : Reflections on Pre-Uralic and the Saami-Finnic protolanguage. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 54 s Janhunen, Juha 2005: När kom finnarna till Finland? Sphinx s Kalima, Jalo 1942: Karjalaiset ja merjalaiset. Uusi Suomi -lehti Kallio, Petri 2006: Suomen kantakielten absoluuttista kronologiaa. Virittäjä 110 s : Stratigraphy of Indo-European loanwords in Saami. Tiina Äikäs (toim.), The roots of Saami ethnicitics, societies and space/places s Oulu: Publications of the Giellagas Institute. 38 virittäjä 1/2013

187 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä (tulossa 2013): The prehistoric Germanic loanword strata in Finnic. Petri Kallio & Riho Grünthal (toim.), Linguistic map of prehistoric North Europe. Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki: Société Finno-Ougrienne. Kivikoski, Ella 1961: Suomen Esihistoria. Jalmari Jaakkola (toim.), Suomen historia I. Porvoo: WSOY. Kiviniemi, Eero 1977: Väärät vedet. Tutkimus mallien osuudesta nimen muodostuksessa. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 337. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. 1980: Nimistö Suomen esihistorian tutkimuksen aineistona. Virittäjä 84 s : Perustietoa paikannimistä. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Koivulehto, Jorma 1987: Namn som kan tolkas urgermanskt. Klassiska problem inom finlandssvensk ortnamnsforskning s Studier i nordisk filologi 67. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska litteratursällskapet I Finland 539. Helsingfors: Svenska Litteratursällskapet. 2006: Arkeologia, kielihistoria ja jatkuvuusteoria. Mervi Suhonen (toim.), Arkeologian lumoa synkkyyteen. Artikkeleita Christian Carpelanin juhlapäiväksi s Helsinki: Yliopistopaino. Korhonen, Mikko 1981: Johdatus lapin kielen historiaan. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 370. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Lavento, Mika 2001: Textile ceramics in Finland and on the Karelian isthmus. Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja 109. Helsinki: Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistys. Lehtiranta, Juhani 2001: Yhteissaamelainen sanasto. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 200. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Lytkin Guljaev = Лыткин, В. И. Гуляев, Е. С. 1999: Краткий этимологический словарь коми языка. Сыктывкар: Коми книжное издательство. MAG = Муллонен, И. И. Азарова, И. В. Герд, А. С. 1997: Словарь гидронимов юго-восточного Приладожья басейн реки Свирь. Ст. Петербург: Издательство С.Петербурского университета. Manni-Lindqvist, Tiina 2007: Suontee. Sirkka Paikkala (päätoim.), Suomalainen paikannimikirja s Helsinki: Karttakeskus & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus. Matveev = Матвеев, А. К. 2001: Субстратная топонимия Русского Севера. Ч. 1. Екатеринбург: Исдательство Уральского Университа. 2004: Субстратная топонимия Русского Севера. Ч. 2. Екатеринбург: Исдательство Уральского Университа. Meinander, Carl Fredrik 1969: Dåvits. En essä om förromersk järnålder. Finskt Museum 1969 s Helsinki: Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistys ry. Mikkonen, Pirjo Paikkala, Sirkka 2000: Sukunimet. Uudistettu laitos. Helsinki: Otava. Mullonen = Муллонен И. И Топонимия Присвирья. Проблемы этноязыкого контактирования.петрозаводск: Российская академия наук. Карельский научный центр. Институт языка, литературы и истории. MW 4 = Mordwinisches Wörterbuch IV. Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae Fenno Ugricae XXIII. 4 S Ž. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura NA = Kotimaisten kielten keskuksen nimiarkisto. Nissilä, Viljo 1960: Huomioita Ähtärin nimestä. Virittäjä 64 s Paikkala, Sirkka 2007: Kemijärvi. Sirkka Paikkala (päätoim.), Suomalainen paikannimikirja s Helsinki: Karttakeskus & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus. PKOP = Писцовые книги Обонежской пятины 1496 и 1563 гг. Ленинград virittäjä 1/

188 PP = Fogelberg, Paul (toim.) 1999: Pohjan poluilla. Suomalaisten juuret nykytutkimuksen mukaan. Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 153. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica. Rahkonen, Pauli 2009: The linguistic background of Meshchera tribe and principal areas of settlement. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 60 s : Finno-Ugric hydronyms of the river Volkhov and Luga catchment areas. Suomalais- Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 93 s : Границы распространения меряно-муромских и древнемордовских гидронимо в в верховьях Волги и бассейне реки Оки. Вопросы Ономастики 1/2012 s Räisänen, Alpo 2003: Nimet mieltä kiehtovat. Etymologista nimistön tutkimusta. Suomalaise n Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 936. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. 2007: Kivarinjärvi. Sirkka Paikkala (päätoim.), Suomalainen paikannimikirja s Helsinki: Karttakeskus & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus. Saarikivi, Janne 2004a: Is there Paleo-European substratum interference in western branches of Uralic? Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 90 s b: Über die saamischen Substratennamen des Nordrusslands und Finnlands. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 58 s : On the Uralic substrate toponymy of Arkhangelsk region. Problems of research methodology and ethnohistorical interpretation. Onomastica Uralica 4 s : Saamelaiskielet. Historiaa ja nykypäivää. Saamentutkimus tänään s Tietolipas 234. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Salminen, Tapani 1999: Euroopan kielet muinoin ja nykyisin. Paul Fogelberg (toim.), Pohjan poluilla. Suomalaisten juuret nykytutkimuksen mukaan s Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 153. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica. Salmons, Joe 1992: Northwest Indo-European vocabulary and substrate phonology. Roger Pearson (toim.), Perspectives on Indo-European language, culture and religion. Studies in honor of Edgar C. Polomé. Vol. 2 s Journal of Indo-European Studies. Monograph Series. Washington D. C.: Institute for the Study of Man. Sammallahti, Pekka 1988: Historical phonology of Uralic languages. With special reference to Samoyed, Ugric and Permic. Denis Sinor (toim.), Uralic languages description, history and foreign influences s Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1999: Saamen kielen ja saamelaisten alkuperästä. Paul Fogelberg (toim.), Pohjan poluilla. Suomalaisten juuret nykytutkimuksen mukaan s Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 153. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica. Schalin, Johan 2012: Namnet Kymmene. Tiina Hyytiäinen, Lotta Jalava, Janne Saarikivi & Erika Sandman (toim.), Per Urales ad Orientem. Iter polyphonicum multilingue s Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 264. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Seppä, Heikki Tikkanen, Matti 2006: Ähtärinjärven vanha lasku-uoma. Geologi-lehti 3/2006 s Sjögren, Andreas Johan 1828: Anteckningar om församlingarne i Kemi-Lappmark. Helsingfors: [s. n.], 1828 tryckt hos J. Simelii Enka. 1861: Gesammelte Schriften. Band 1. Historisch-Etnographische Abhandlung über den finnisch-russischen Norden. Leiptzig: Zentralantiquariat der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. SMJ = Словарь марийского языка 9. Йошкар-Ола: Марийский научно исследовательский институт virittäjä 1/2013

189 Rahkonen Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä SPK = Suomalainen paikannimikirja. Päätoimittaja Sirkka Paikkala. Helsinki: Karttakeskus & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimus keskus SSA1 = Suomen sanojen alkuperä. Etymologinen sanakirja. 1 A K. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus SSA3 = Suomen sanojen alkuperä. Etymologinen sanakirja. 3 R Ö. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus SSKD = Сравнительный Словарь Коми-Зырянских Диалектов. Сыктывкар: Коми книжно е издательство TVS = Gallén, Jari (toim.) 1984: Suomen väestön esihistorialliset juuret. Tvärminnen symposiumi Bidrag till kännedom av Finnlands natur och folk 131. Helsinki: Suomen Tiedeseura. UEW = Rédej, Karoly (toim.) : Uralisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Vahtola, Jouko 1980: Torniojoki- ja Kemijokilaakson asutuksen synty. Nimistötieteellinen ja historiallinen tutkimus. Studia Historica Septentrionalia 3. Rovaniemi: Pohjois-Suomen Historiallinen Yhdistys. Vilkuna, Kustaa 1951: Ähtärin nimestä ja muinaisuudesta. Vanhaa Ähtäriä. Kyrönmaa VIII s Etelä-Pohjalaisen Osakunnan Kotiseutujulkaisuja. Helsinki: Etelä-Pohjalainen Osakunta. SUMMARY Etymological opacity in Finnish hydronyms The article examines a number of Finnish hydronyms whose linguistic origins have hitherto been left unexplored in extant research. Of the eighty-five largest lakes in Finland, at least around twenty-five percent are considered opaque by Suomalainen paikannimi kirja. Some of the more obscure hydronyms, however, are equivalent to hydro nyms in Northern and Central Russia. The etymology of certain hydronyms can be defined according to the regular topography of bodies of water. Examples of this phenomenon are names associated with isthmuses and tracks for dragging boats over a neck of land that can be traced back to the Proto-Uralic form *ukti. The same applies to short tributaries, connecting two bodies of water whose names appear in Northern and Central Russia in the form veksa, which in turn is equi valent to the Komi word vis tributary (Finnish: välijoki ). This Komi word can be extrapolated from the earlier form *viksa. Both these words have equivalents in Finnish hydronymy. Finnish names often have stems that can be traced back to the forms *sont(v) > suont- and?*käme > kemi. The spread of these stems follows rather closely the westward path of Eastern Textile Ceramics. Finnish features a number of lake names ending in -(V)ri whose stems cannot be derived from any known Uralic languages, including Inari ~ Indiager (1799), Ähtärin- virittäjä 1/

190 järvi < *Ätsäri and also possibly Koitere. Nonetheless, the particle -(V)ri can be seen to arise from a Western Uralic form of the word järvi lake. It would appear that the stem of names existed much earlier and that other components were added at a much later stage. Thus, non-uralic Paleo-European nomen clature represents the earliest linguisti c layer, upon which the Uralic layer has subsequently formed. However, the process of retracing the words behind Uralic place names back to their forms in later Proto Finnic or Proto-Sámi is not with out its difficulties. Words of this kind do not appear in the Mordvinic language regions, but are common in Yaroslavl, Kostroma and Vologda oblasts. For this reason, the language behind these place names is in the article referred to as language x, denoting a northern dialect of a Western Uralic language. The speakers of this language are assumed to have belonged to a group of people having used Textile Ceramics. The central conclusion presented in this article is that there exists in Finland stems of hydronyms based around some form of Uralic language, appearing across an area stretching from Finland all the way to the Volga at Kostroma, primarily via Karelia and Vologda. The language behind these hydronyms cannot easil y be retraced to later Proto-Finnic or Proto-Sámi. The geographical spread of these names demonstrates that hydronyms of the type presented in the article do not appear along the western or southern coasts of Finland, in Estonia or in regions where one of the Mordvinic language s has historically been spoken. Such geographical spread makes it hard to link these place names to the Balto-Finnic, Sámi or Mordvinic languages. Suomen etymologisesti läpinäkymätöntä vesistönimistöä Artikkelissa käsitellään joitakin Suomen nimistön hydronyymejä, joiden kielellinen alku perä on tähänastisessa tutkimuksessa jäänyt selvittämättä. Kahdeksankymmenenviiden Suomen suurimman järven nimistä noin 25 prosenttia on Suomalaisen paikannimikirjan mukaan opaakkeja. Osalla hämäristä hydronyymeistä on kuitenkin vastineita Pohjois- ja Keski-Venäjällä. Joidenkin hydronyymien etymologia voidaan määritellä vesien säännöllisen topografian pohjalta. Sellaisia ovat kannaksiin ja vetotaipaleisiin liittyvät nimet, jotka voidaan palauttaa kantauralin tasossa asuun *ukti. Sama koskee lyhyitä välijokia, joiden nimet Keski- ja Pohjois-Venäjällä esiintyvät asussa veksa. Tätä vastaa komin sana vis välijoki. Komin sana voidaan palauttaa varhaisempaan asuun *viksa. Molemmilla näillä on vastineita Suomen nimistössä. Suomessa esiintyy myös nimikannat, jotka palautuvat asuihin *sont(v) > suont- ja?*käme > kemi. Kaikkien näiden levintä vastaa melko tarkasti niin sanotun itäisen tekstiilikeramiikan levintää. 42 virittäjä 1/2013

191 Suomessa on muutamia -(V)ri-loppuisia järvennimiä, joiden nimikantoja ei voi johtaa tunnetuista uralilaisista kielistä, kuten Inari ~ Indiager (1799), Ähtärinjärvi < *Ätsäri ja mahdollisesti myös Koitere. Kuitenkin -(V)ri-aineksen voi katsoa juontuvan jonkin länsiuralilaisen kielen sanasta järvi. Vaikuttaa siltä, että nimikanta on varhaisempi ja jälkikomponentti myöhemmin lisätty. Näin ollen epäuralilainen paleoeurooppalainen nimistö edustaisi vanhinta kerrostumaa, jonka päälle on syntynyt urali lainen kerrostuma. Uralilaisten nimikantojen taustalla olevia sanoja ei kuitenkaan voi vaikeuksitta palauttaa myöhäiskantasuomeen tai kantasaameen. Tämän tyyppisiä nimiä ei myöskään esiinny mordvalaisalueilla. Sen sijaan ne ovat yleisiä Jaroslavli n, Kostroman ja Vologdan alueilla. Siksi näiden nimien taustalla ollutta kieltä kutsutaan artikkelissa x-kieleksi, jonka katsotaan edustaneen länsiuralilaista pohjoista murretta. Puhujat ilmeisesti kuuluivat johonkin tekstiilikeramiikkaa käyttäneeseen väestöryhmään. Artikkelin keskeisin tutkimustulos on se, että Suomessa esiintyy johonkin sellaiseen uralilaiseen kieleen perustuvaa vesistönimistöä, jolla on jatkuvuus Suomesta pääasiassa Karjalan ja Vologdan alueen kautta aina Kostroman Volgalle. Nimistön taustalla oleva kieli ei ole vaikeuksitta palautettavissa myöhäiskantasuomeen eikä kantasaameen. Maantieteellinen levintä osoittaa, ettei edellä esitetyn kaltaista nimistöä esiinny Suomen länsi- tai etelärannikolla, Virossa eikä nykyisillä historiallisesti tunnetuilla mordvalaisalueilla. Näin ollen se on levintänsäkin puolesta vaikeasti yhdistettävissä niin itämerensuomeen, saameen kuin mordvaankin. Kirjoittajan yhteystiedot (address): etunimi.sukunimi@gmail.com virittäjä 1/

192 Pauli Rahkonen The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe and Principal Areas of Settlement This paper considers place names which may indicate the contacts Finno-Ugric speaking populations in the Upper-Volga and Oka areas may have had before the Russian invasion. In particular, I wish to chart the geographical areas in which such contacts might have taken place and at what time, as well as to determine whether these contacts were the result of migrations, trading activities, or occurred for some other reason. I have chosen as the subject of my research place names, the names of the largest bodies of water, because they are generally older than settlement names and micro-toponyms. I endeavour to ascribe common names to different Finno-Ugric languages, modern and even extinct, on the basis of the characteristics of the name. As far as the dating is concerned, in addition to many phonetic features, I have used relevant findings from archaeological research. I also use ancient historical sources, often chronicles. The Meshchera in historical sources The ethnonym Meshchera [Мещёра] is not found in such very early Russian chronicles as Povest vremennyh let [ Nestor s Chronicle ] (PSRL 1965), first appearing in a document related to the afore-mentioned chronicle from the 13 th century called Tolkovaja Paleja (Rjabinin 1997: 214; Pronin 2006: 1; Markov 1998: 1). This tribe is mentioned later, for example, in Sofijskaja pervaja letopis from the 15 th century: their own tongue they have, the Meshcheras, being amongst the Muromas and Mordvins (Rjabinin 1997: 214). The Vologodsko-permskaja letopis, dating from the 15 th century states: On the banks of the River Oka, where it flows into the Volga, the Muromas dwell, and they have their own language, the Meshcheras, who have theirs, and the Cheremises, who have their own (ibid. 1997: 214). The reference in Latin from ca 550 B.C. by Jordanes concerning peoples of the north is in a class of its own. A piece of text by Jordanes which may FUF 60: (2009) 160 FUF 60 (2009)

193 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... have been connected with this reads: thiudos inaunxis vasinabroncas merens mordens imniscaris. Based on the ideas of D. A. Mačinskij and V. S. Kulešov, M. A. Juškova hypothetically posits that the in- form is a preposition, the translation of this text may be: Thiudos in Aunxis, Vas in Abroncas, Merens, Mordens in Miscaris [imniscaris?< *in miscaris] (Juškova 2006: ; Mačinskij Kulešov 2004: 50 51). The Thiudos in the text may represent the Chudes, Vas the Vepsians, Merens the Meryas and Mordens the Mordvins. In this case Miscaris could refer to the Meshcheras. In such an event, Miscaris ~ Meshchera would mean, generally speaking, the extensive area covering the Upper Volga and the lower and middle reaches of the River Oka, where the Meryas and Mordvins lived. This suggestion is interesting and could perhaps be supported by the results of archaeological and topological research, although the matter has not thus far been settled. There is also reason to observe that imniscaris is reminiscent of the Mari word imn es ke horse rider, imn e horse (Moisio 1994: 68). Valerij Patrušev connects imniscar to the Maris (Patrušev 2000: 176). When it is recalled how important horses were to the ancient Finno-Ugrian tribes of the Volga Oka, the reference by Jordanes may refer to the tribe of horsemen, rather than to the Meshchera area. This is supported by the evidence from the abundant ancient jewellery of the Finno-Ugrian tribes found in Central Russia featuring the horse, and the custom of burying horses together with their masters or separately (cf. Patrušev 2000: ). Furthermore, mention should be made of a Chuvash folk story in which the Meryas are stated to have fought with the Bolgars as their allies in the wars against the Tatars: Slavs from Oka and reinforcements of Meryas were placed in the vanguard they had speedier horses (Punalippu 1973: 119). In the oldest maps from the 16 th century that show the Russian area, the name Meshchera appears in the Oka region in various orthographical forms near the confluence of the Mokša river (Lafreri Gastaldi 1568 and Mercator 1595). Determining the question and previous research At the present time, both the ethnic and linguistic background of the Meshcheras and the exact boundaries of their main settlement areas are little understood. This article will endeavour to provide answers to these questions, 161 FUF 60 (2009)

194 Pauli Rahkonen principally using the topographical method. If chroniclers have informed us correctly that the Meshcheras had a language of their own, then it is to be surmised that topographical names relating to this language will be found in the Oka area. The picture suggested by the place names can then be compared to the archaeological findings. The ethnonym Meshchera has itself been the subject of debate. Many specialists, such as Rjabinin, have associated this with the ethnonym Mis čari [Мищари], which in turn has been regarded as a Tatar group from Volga Bolgaria. According to him, A. H. Halikov and B. A. Vasil ev, for example, consider that the earlier name changed after the 14 th century to become madžar, mes čëra or mis ari (Rjabinin 1997: 215 citing Halikov 1989: and Vasil ev 1960: ). The Russians have called a certain Baškir group by the name možary/mažary (Rjabinin 1997: 215). For these reasons, it has been concluded that ancient Magyars (Hungarians) gave their name to some Finno-Ugrian and Turkic tribes (Ageeva 1990: 65). The ethnonym magyar can be traced to the Proto-Ugric word *man c ɜ (< cf. Sanskr. mánuṣa man ), from which the name of another nationality, mansi ~ Vogul, is derived. Rédei thought that the component -ar could be derived from the FU protolanguage from *irkä (*ürkä) man, boy (UEW 866). The Modzars of Bashkiria quite probably belonged earlier to the ancient bashkirified Hungarian group that the travelling monk Julian mentioned in his 13 th -century report (Klima 1995: 20). According to Aleksej Markov, among others, Meshchera could nevertheless have come from the Moksha Mordvin word mes honey (Markov 1998: 3). A. Pronin doubts this is the case. He is also reluctant to accept the etymological alternatives suggested by other researchers, such as < Mari mež wool, Balt./Lith. *medžia-, Lat. *meža- forest. Rather, Pronin considers the original ethnonym to have been mačjar (Pronin 2006: 1); compare Hung. magyar. Relying evidence from archaeology, E. A. Rjabinin has determined the main settlements of the Meshcheras to have been in the areas between the estuaries of the rivers Moskva and Mokša on the left bank of the River Oka 1 (Rjabinin 1997: 216, map). Heikki Kirkinen has reached the same conclusion as Rjabinin concerning the location of Meshchera settlement (Kirkinen 1990: 244). A number of Russian researchers have also gathered interesting miscellaneous information about the Meshcheras. According to Aleksej Mitrofanov and Vladimir Doukelsky, old travelogues describe russified Mesh- 162 FUF 60 (2009)

195 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... cheryak people who had a look of sorrowfulness (Mitrofanov Doukelsky 2003: 1). These Meshcheryaks, about 60,000 of them, were still living in the Governments of Penza, Tambov and Rjazan at the close of the 19 th century (Pronin 2006: 3). Aleksej Markov, for instance, considers that they were the descendants of the ancient Meshcheras (Markov 1998: 3). They differed from other Russians in that many of them were hunters, fishermen and beekeepers, that is, they practised the same forms of earning a living as the ancient Meshcheras (ibid. 1998: 3). It has been hypothesised that a considerable number of the Meshcheras migrated east, converted to Islam and became assimilated with the Tatars to become the Mišar Tatars, an ethnic subgroup (ibid. 1998: 3). The russified Meshcheryaks are generally of medium height and dark-haired, and under certain circumstances speak a special dialect (idem.). Pronin describes how that dialect of their language had a hard č or cokanje [ч ц] (Pronin 2006: 1; see also Požarickaja 2005: 94, map 4). At least the Russian author, M. Baranovič, from the middle of the 19 th century is known to have used the ethonym Meshcheryak (Markov 1998: 2). The archaeologist V. Patrušev has reported a village in a Mordvin area whose inhabitants claim that they are not Mordvins, but Meshcheras (conversation ). The ethnonym Meshcheryak would thus be both an exonym and an endonym. Archaeological material From the outset it is necessary to discuss the relevance of archaeology in describing ethnoses and linguistic groups in general terms. When considering ceramic cultures, it is essential to classify the ceramics. On what basis can artefacts that are not completely identical be shown to be interrelated and belonging to the same groups? A good example is Mika Lavento s way of classifying textile ceramics. Notice is taken of the technical properties of the ceramics, which includes the quality of the clay, temper, firmness, surface finishing, polishing and painting, and the firing process. In addition, in classifying attention must also be paid to design, thickness and size of sets of vessels, as well as their decoration (Lavento 2001: 44 74). It can confidently be asserted that a sudden change in all these factors, or at least most of them, would require a transformation in the structure of the population or a very strong outside influence. Lavento writes: It is evident that a single material indicator is not enough to delimit a social group, but a large number of different attributes have to be taken into ac- 163 FUF 60 (2009)

196 Pauli Rahkonen count (Lavento 2001: 160). Technical and other sporadic innovations can very easily occur within the same ethnos, if the change is, for example, an improvement on the previous situation. In ancient times, the style and often the manufacturing technique were nevertheless largely based on tradition. If we consider the long period of existence of such ancient ceramic cultures as the Volosovo Culture ( BC) and the Textile Ceramics Culture ( BC), whose influence was for the most part felt in the same area, and the enormous extent of its territory, the only common denominator may be the common tradition of manufacturing the utensils of the socio-ethnic group. The south-west limit of the Finno-Ugrian substrate toponyms observes the boundary of the Volosovo and Textile Ceramics cultures pretty accurately. 2 For this reason, it can be supposed that the boundary of these ceramic cultures has been a linguistic boundary demarcating tribes speaking Finno-Ugrian languages from various Indo-European groups for a long period. It should be noted that Finno-Ugrian toponyms are not to be found on the other side of the cultural border between the Volosovo and Textile Ceramics, that is, in the Smolensk oblasť, except on its very northern and eastern borders (ASO 2008: ). On the other hand, Indo-European groups have apparently migrated to areas considered to be Finno-Ugrian. Seemingly these were represented by members of the Fatjanovo and Abaševo cultures (Carpelan Parpola 2001: 83 87). On the other hand, those who to some degree spoke the same language among themselves, the Meryas and the Muromas (see below), for example, both belonged to some extent to different cultural groups defined archaeologically (see Rjabinin 1997: 150, 168, 200, illustrations 40, 44, 53; Leont ev 1996: 333, etc.). Nonetheless, it may be assumed that the longer a cultural boundary defined on the basis of archaeological material is, the more certain it is to represent a linguistic boundary as well. 3 Cultural boundaries on a smaller scale that at the same time also indicate language or dialect borders can be found in Ostrobothnia (Finland) where the building style of farmhouses corresponds to dialectal boundary, the Karelian Russian-influenced material culture, which marks a linguistic boundary as well and the border of home-brewed beer preparation methods that pretty closely follows the *δ > l and *δ > r boundary of the Häme dialect. It should also be observed that funeral customs, motifs on ornamental jewellery or ceramic decoration often reflect their creators and the mythological concepts of the community. The jewellery production of the Central 164 FUF 60 (2009)

197 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Russian Finno-Ugrians favoured themes based on horses and the webbed feet of ducks along with spirals. Although many features were shared, the material used was very often indicative of a type of object particularly related to a certain group. Examples are the Djakovo Culture s x-shaped chain fasteners that are characteristic of the Djakovo-gorodišče inhabitants of the Moscow oblasť, where 18 examples are known (Hirviluoto Vormisto 1984: 21 49; Krenke 1989/2: 79 87), the hook and eye rings typical of Muroma areas, the s ulgama buckles typical of Mordvin areas (Leont ev 1996: 328) and the large breastplates of the Meshcheras (Markov 1998: 2). Pronin has explained that the horse-theme pendants relate to the belief that the horse follows a person even into the afterlife, while pendants featuring the webbed feet of ducks signify the role of mallards and pochards in the creation of the world (compare the Kalevala pochard). Spirals, Pronin claims, symbolise the sun and triangular forms, fertility (Pronin 2006: 2). In ancient times, religion was very communal, so that common symbols and funeral customs denote adherence to the same religio-social tradition and often the ethnic and linguistic domain of the community as well. A Russian archaeological study has defined the Meshchera culture predominantly on the basis of three factors. 1) Meshchera-type underground graves [Russ. грунтовые могильники], 2) Meshchera-type barrows [Russ. курганные могильники] and 3) Meshchera-type artefacts (Rjabinin 1997: 217, drawing 57). Admittedly a large number of the finds were made as long ago as the end of the 19 th century and the beginning of the 20 th. A. A. Spicyn initially dated the buried remains in the Žabok graveyard around the middle reaches of the Oka as from the beginning of the 10 th century (AD), but later revised this estimate to the 11 th century (OAK 1899: ). According to A. Markov, the artefacts were dated to the 5 th 8 th centuries AD (Markov 1998: 1), but evidently he has also included material from the so-called Rjazan Oka Culture (see below). In 1899, graves were discovered that were thought to be of Meshchera origin along the banks of the Gus and Kolp rivers, dated by Spicyn to the 12 th 13 th centuries (1906: 1 6). The River Gus area was excavated in the 1920s. A. Ivanov dated findings that were considered to be Meshchera to the 11 th century (Ivanov 1925). In addition to the underground burials, a considerable number of tumuli were found (kurgans), the artefacts of which were apparently of Finno-Ugrian origin (Rjabinin 1997: 220). Spicyn dated the Parahinski collection of 165 FUF 60 (2009)

198 Pauli Rahkonen graves to the 12 th century, Popovskij somewhat later mentioning that these are either Russian (not Vjatičian) or Meshchera kurgans. Nevertheless, he considered the objects Finno-Ugrian (Spicyn 1899: 238). In relation to the artefacts discovered in the tumuli, Pronin relates that they included pendants with horse motifs typical of Finno-Ugrian jewellery (Pronin 2006: 2). Meshchera objects considered characteristically Finno-Ugrian are intricately stylised horse motifs, 4 the webbed feet of the duck and spiral motifs, and especially the large-sized breastplates (Rjabinin 1997: 230, table 6; Pronin 2006: 2; Markov 1998: 2). It will be noticed that from the archaeological point of view that the representatives of the culture considered to be Meshchera dwelt in two primary settlement areas: on the left bank of the Oka Bend between Rjazan and the confluence of the Mokša and the area to the east of Moscow on both banks of the River Moskva and at the sources of the Kljaz ma (Rjabinin 1997: 232). As mentioned earlier, a unique Meshchera culture can be discerned from ca AD at the latest. Rjabinin has also dwelt upon the connections this culture may have had with the earlier iron age archaeological material. He considers the population of the iron age Gorodec Culture to have had a determining influence, although the population of the Later Djakovo Culture did have a significant role in the birth of the Meshchera ethnos (Rjabinin 1997: 232). In this respect, it can be claimed that the toponyms (Rahkonen manuscript) connect the (later) Djakovo groups to the Meryas and/or their immediate forefathers (Rjabinin 1997: and related literature, see also map 2). On the other hand, it is more difficult to determine the ethnic origin of the more eastern Gorodec Culture. 5 Ancient Mordvins (Patrušev 2000: 174 citing Smirnov 1965 and Alihova 1959) and ancient Maris (Patrušev 2000: 176 citing O. N. Bader) have been suggested. The area covered by the culture in question is that between the lower reaches of the River Oka and the lower reaches of the Volga, the northern boundary being the right bank of the central Volga. In modern terms, this means predominantly the territories of the Mordovian and Chuvash republics, the southern part of the Nižnij-Novgorod oblasť and the Uljanovsk oblasť. It is also possible that the Gorodec Culture had connections with the Pjanobor C eganda Culture inherited from the Anan ino Culture. The Pjanobor Culture can be dated from ca 300 BC 400 AD (Patrušev 2000: 16). The burial customs of this culture were shared by those in the Oka area. As an example, Patrušev mentions the underground burials in the cemetery 166 FUF 60 (2009)

199 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... at Košibeevo in the middle ground of the Cna Mokša intersection and other corresponding graves in the modern Chuvashia, Mordovia and Volga Mari territories. These locations are situated in the Gorodec cultural area. Together with these findings, flatbottomed ceramics have been discovered in three Nirginda II site graves belonging to the (Pjanobor) C eganda Culture in the area of the present day Republic of Udmurtia (Patrushev 2000: 166). Košibeevo is situated precisely in the central area of the Meshchera. Under these circumstances, those belonging to the Pjanobor C eganda Culture could well be part of the Meshchera population. Consideration has also been given to the connection between the culture classified as Meshchera and the Rjazan Oka Culture, which was influential in the first millennium of the Christian era. According to Markov, the majority of researchers regard this culture as having been of Meshchera origin in an ethnic sense (Markov 1998: 2). Nevertheless, the renowned archaeologist A. L. Mongajt thinks the Rjazan Oka Culture is related to the Erzya Mordvins (1961: 71, ) and P. N. Tretjakov considers the Meshcheras to have been an ancient Mordvin group (Rjabinin 1997: 217 citing Tretjakov 1961: 138). Valerij Patrušev notes that many researchers believe that the Rjazan Oka Culture was derived from the Gorodec Culture (2000: 148 citing Smirnov 1952; Sedov 1967). Some have considered the Rjazan Oka Culture graves as belonging to the Eastern Finno-Ugrian domain (ibid. 2000: 148 citing e.g. Gorodcov 1910). In any event, the archaeological material suggests that the Meshcheras, at least since the end of the Viking period, have been a separate Finno-Ugrian tribe that has had its own material culture and, according to chroniclers, possibly its own language (see above). Rjabinin believes that russification began in the 14 th century at the earliest and that the population was distinctive even in the 16 th century (Rjabinin 1997: 235). Markov and Pronin also assume that the Meshchera language survived until the 16 th century (Markov 1998: 2; Pronin 2006: 3). In the broadest sense, the Meshcheras could not have originally been the Mišar Tatar group because, according to the evidence from archaeology, they inhabited the Oka district long before the Tatars arrived in the area. A partial assimilation of the language with the Tatars is possible (see Markov 1998: 2; Pronin 2006: 2). In general terms then, the source of the material culture considered to be of Meshchera origin is to be found in areas situated in the middle Oka rather to the east than to the western area of the Gorodec Culture (see below Patrušev 2000: 148, ; Rjabinin 1997: 232 and others). 167 FUF 60 (2009)

200 Pauli Rahkonen Table showing the chronology of archaeological cultures Oka-Volga area Textile Ceramics Djakovo Culture, early stage Gorodec-Culture Djakovo Culture, late stage Rjazan Oka Culture Meshchera Culture Vyatka-Kama area Kazan Culture Anan ino Culture Pjanobor C eganda Culture Azelino Culture Lomovatova Culture BC 800 BC 300 AD 800 BC 300 AD AD AD AD BC BC 300 BC 400 AD AD AD Table 1. Chronology of archaeological cultures (based on V. Patrušev 2000: 16 and C. Carpelan s lectures Helsinki University 2009). Finno-Ugrian ethnic hydronyms in the Oka water system area The ethnic names of watercourses, at least in some cases, reflect the border areas of ethnic and linguistic groups, The Russian name Čudskoe ozero (~ Peipsijärvi) and an other Čudskoe ozero on the upper reaches of the River Lovat (ANO 50) being possible examples. Both names are undoubtedly situated in an area which at some period in history has served as an ethnic boundary between the Slavs, and those they called the Chudes. They have been preserved until the present in the border areas of čud ethnonyms (Rahkonen manuscript). It is clear that ethnic hydronyms must be interpreted carefully, but they can be used indicatively. At least the names of the larger water systems serve as better indicators of ethnic borders than settlement names. The latter may have originated a very long way from the core area of the original national environment of those who migrated there, in this case representing predominantly dispersed occurrences. In the Oka region, such ethnonymic word-stem hydronyms as mordv-, mere-, murom-, čeremis- and mes čëra- can be found. I should also add to this ugr- stemmed names, and ud- names (< ud murt). In what follows, Meshchera hydronyms in particular will be considered. The names have been taken from the dictionary of ethnonyms Gidronimija basejna Oki [GBO] (Smolickaja 1976). 168 FUF 60 (2009)

201 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... The Smolickaja register of water-related names recognises 8 Meshchera hydronyms. Of these, three are situated in the vicinity of the town of Muroma, one near Moscow at the source of the River Kljaz ma, one in the Nižnij-Novgorod area, one in the Rjazan area, one in the Tambov area and another in the upper reaches of the River Mokša (maps 1 and 6). In addition to this, such settlement names as Kasimov ~ Mes čёrskij gorodec ( Meshchera castle ) are found at the mouth of the River Gus and Mes čёra to the east of Moscow, as well as a marsh called Mes čёrka at the mouth of the River Moskva and the settlement names Mes čerskij (ARO32A2), Mes čerskij Bor (ARO7A4) and Mes čerskij Filial (ARO30Б4). These names confirm the descriptions given by chroniclers (see above). It would appear from this evidence that the Meshcheras really did dwell amongst the Mordvins and Muromas (see maps 2 and 3), as chroniclers have claimed, near the Maris at the mouth of the River Oka. Furthermore, it appears on the basis of both ethnonyms and other Meshchera toponyms that Meshcheras lived in the vicinity of Moscow on the lower reaches of the River Moskva and at the source of the River Kljaz ma. The main settlement areas did not necessarily form an interrelated continuum, but more likely represented two separate colonies. Linguistic background of the Meshcheras If we accept the remark by chroniclers that the Meshcheras had their own language different from Mordvin, Muroma and Mari, we would expect this to be reflected in the toponyms. Although the Povest vremennyh let ( Nestor s Chronicle ) does not even mention Meshchera, it is certain on the strength of archaeological evidence that they did dwell in the territory described above, even during the period when the Chronicle was written. Written sources ( AD) mentioning the name locate the Meshcheras over a slightly larger territory than the cultural area ( AD) that archaeologists consider Meshchera (see, e.g., Markov 1998: 1; Pronin 2006: 3). The existence of Meshchera ethnonyms occurs over a slightly more extensive area even than this (map 1). One method of studying the Finno-Ugrian linguistic groups in the Oka area would be to seek likely versions of the name from the host of prevailing specifics of the toponyms. In the Finno-Ugrian worlds, these include hydronyms with the following specifics: upper/lower, big/little and white/ black. In this way, it can be determined whether these specifics are typical 169 FUF 60 (2009)

202 Pauli Rahkonen Map 1 Volga Ivanovo Nerl Teza Nižniy-Novgorod Klyaz ma Oka Volga Vladimir Moskva Klyaz ma Ušna Murom Ugra Kaluga Protva Serpuhov Žabok Oka Gus Mešèerskij gorodec Pra Mokša Tula Ryazan Pronya Žizdra Upa Tsna Vad Orel Oka Meshchera names in the Oka area hydronym with the specific Meshcheratoponyms with the specific Meshchera- Meshchera archaeological site (Ryabinin 1997: 216) Tambov Map 1. Meshchera ethnonyms and archaeological sites deemed Meshchera. of the Meshchera areas determined by the chroniclers and archaeological materials. In the Finnish designation of lake names, specifics found include the following, in order of generality: 1. valkea- white, 2. vähä-/pikku-/ pieni- little, 6. suuri-/iso- big and 13. musta- black. The most common river names are: 3. ala-/ali- lower, 5. iso- big, 6. ylä-/yli- upper and 7. musta- black (Kiviniemi 1990: 184, 198). Upper- and lower- appellations The following specifics of names, the meaning of which is almost certainly high, upper, occur in the Oka area < PU *wilä (wülä) high, upper (UEW 1988: ). These are: il(e), 6 vel, vil, jel. Of these, il(e) and il mwould appear on the basis of the geographical distribution of the appellation 7 mainly to reflect the Muroma Merya tradition. The il- names in the Oka territory occur most frequently in the Muroma area, but the fact that 170 FUF 60 (2009)

203 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... they do occur in the Jaroslavl and Kostroma oblasťs shows that it can undoubtedly be linked to the Meryas as well, which would seem to prove the linguistic proximity of the Meryas and Muromas. This would also appear to be the way Max Vasmer, who has suggested that the Merya appellations cover the area of the Muroma, sees the matter (Rjabinin 1997: 150, figure 40). It is possible that because Il- forms are found in the Serpuhov Tula area, the Merya and Muroma tribes and the population of the Djakovo Culture had common roots (map 2). At least in the Jaroslavl oblasť Ild AJO58, Il ma AJO1098, Il menka AJO112, Il mež AJO36 and in the Kostroma oblasť Ilezem TKKO25 and Il movka TKKO36 are all river sources, which would seem to confirm the etymological conclusions suggested above. Words with the stem vel-, meaning high, upper, are still found today in the Mordvin languages. This is accounted for quite well in the modern day distribution of vel- forms in the Mokša basin, Rjazan and Serpuhov areas, the territories where the ethnonym mordv- is attested (map 3). The hydronyms of this type found in the Moscow and Serpuhov Kaluga areas could reflect the previous existence of people speaking an older form of the Mordvin language, possibly Proto-Mordvin. Names with the vil- specifics (map 4) occur fairly regularly in areas where the ethnic hydronym mes čёra is found (see map 6). The vil specific could have been derived from the Permic word *vi l(i); compare Udm. vi l, Komi vi li high, upper. The source branches of the River Kil mez flow through Udmurtia, the official name (i.e., russified) is Vili s ur (RAU16) < Udm. vi l(i) high, upper + s ur river (URS 101,510). Vil- names are also found in the Tula Serpuhov area and in Upper-Kljaz ma. Jel- names are also extensively connected to source waters in northern Russia; for example, Jel da AJO71, Jelenka AJO27, Jel omza AJO40 in the Jaroslavl oblasť, Jel nat TKKO50 in the Kostroma area, and Jelač ručej RAV19, Jelana RAV48, Jel ego nka RAV46, Jelimskoe oz. (lake) and to which it is related Jelima, Niž. (river) RAV11 and Jel ma RAV69 in the Vologda oblasť; are all without exception source waters. The etymological background could be related to Udm. ji l, Komi ji v < Proto-Perm. * ju l top, tip, summit (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 113), which also occurs as a postposition attested in Proto-Permian (Bartens 2000: 295). According to Sammallahti, the Proto-Permian *u > Proto-Udm. *e (Sammallahti 1988: 533). There may also be a question of Russian influence *e > je. 9 Names with jel- do not, nevertheless, appear on the distribution map, because its etymological history is not yet clear. 171 FUF 60 (2009)

204 Pauli Rahkonen Al(o) lower names can be regarded as Mordvin. They are found in the Serpuhov, Rjazan and Mokša basin areas (map 3), which belong to the ancient Mordvin territory as defined by the ethnic hydronym mordv-. The volo- names, which appear to be Merya Muroma, 10 occur through the territory of Kljaz ma, in the Muroma area, around the source of the River Moskva and in the Kaluga Serpuhov area (map 2). Names of the volos - type are included in this category, even if some might connect them to the Russian volok- ( isthmus ). However, it should be observed that there are such name variants as Volo ks a ~ Volo s ka (GBO196) showing the formants -ks a ~ s V to be synonyms. Since the reason for naming rivers low is often more difficult to determine than for upper rivers, it can be hard to know why some lower rivers have been so named. This, for example, applies to Finnish hydronyms Alajoki in Ilomantsi, which is in the headwaters of the River Koitajoki, Alajoki (Inari) and Alajoki (Sotkamo) (GT126D3). None of these are situated in the lower waters of the river system to which they belong. It would appear, then, that their names are perhaps more probably related to the lowness of the banks. A third type, ulo, low, is situated along the River Moskva and on the Oka between the mouths of the Moskva and Mokša, in the southern and western parts of the Meshchera territory as defined by ethnic hydronyms and archaeological findings (map 4). They are therefore possible to define the Finno-Ugrian upper and lower appellations of the Oka water systems in the following way. ethnos upper lower location Mordvin vel al Mordva, Rjazan, Moskva, Serpuhov, Kaluga, Tula Merya Muroma il vol Muroma, Kljaz ma, Upper Moskva, Serpuhov, Kaluga Meshchera vil ul Rjazan - mouth of Kljaz ma, Kaluga, Tula, Serpuhov, Upper-Kljaz ma 172 FUF 60 (2009)

205 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Little and big appellations The Finno-Ugrian names for big seem to be represented by the appellations in-, von- and un-. Similarly, three types are found for the appellation little : ič/iz- and vež-/ves k- and vjaz- (?*väz). The in- form corresponds quite closely to the Mordvin territory shown above (map 3). Since it is also known that the word meaning big, in e, exists in Erzya Mordvin and in ä in Moksha Mordvin (SSA I 106), the boundaries of the ancient Mordvins can relatively safely be determined. In addition to the water system of the River Mokša, these forms are to be found in the area between the Serpuhov and Kaluga. Combining these achieves a result corresponding to large extent a to that obtained using the ethnonym mordv- (map 3). Another interesting additional area is located in the water system of the River Kljaz ma in Vladimir oblast. This is probably explainable as being related to a migration that occurred in the Viking period or slightly before that, and which took place from the River Oka via the River Pra. This northerly migration could be linked to archaeological discoveries of s ulgama buckles in the so-called Merya territory typical of the Mordvins (Leont ev 1996: 329). These buckles are from the second part of the first millennium. Von-hydronyms are attested in the main in the Merya Muroma territory (map 2). In the basin of Svir, the name variant Von ozero ~ En arv (MAG 64) is to be found, which illustrates that the von- specific of the name corresponds to the Veps word in toponyms en- big. It would seem evident that von derives from an original form *on or *en, and the prosthetic v would result from a Russian influence. From the point of view of the history of phonological change, a Russian influenced *e > o is also possible (Mullonen 2002: 56); compare also Skand. Helgi > Slav. Oleg (REW III 133). Nevertheless, the form appearing in the toponyms is used here. Names with un- occur rather neatly at the same locations as incidences of the ethnonym Meshchera and archaeological discoveries relating to the Meshcheras (maps 1 and 4). There would seem to have been features similar to the Permic languages in the Meshchera tongue. Apparently in Meshchera low was ul(v), as in Udmurt and Komi. Big, much, in Udmurt uno and in Komi una, is evidently present in names in the Meshchera area in the form un(v) < PFP *enä (Sammallahti 1988: 541; Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 297). 173 FUF 60 (2009)

206 Pauli Rahkonen In principle there are three types in the area for names meaning little. Ič forms seem to correspond mainly to the Meshchera territories defined by archaeology and chroniclers (maps 4 and 6). This word is the same as the Udmurt ič i (a) little (URS 170). The iz appellation associated with Mari names (Mari izi small, little ). The words Udm. ič i and Mari izi are related etymologically < PFP *ic ä (UEW). Words with vež- and ves k- are of Mordvin origin, judging by their distribution (map 3). This is also supported by an unproblematic etymology from Mordvin: Mord. vež-as ke little finger and Mord. ves ka/vis ka little (SSA III 478); < FW *wäs ä little, small (UEW 818). The appellations in question are found in the Mokša basin Rjazan area, and in the vicinity of Kaluga. There are a couple of other occurrences in the Upper Kljaz ma area as well. The third type of name is the vjaz- form (map 2). In some cases, this may be connected with the Russian word vjaz elm and in the Voronež and Pskov oblasťs it occurs in the dialectal vjaz marsh (Murzaev 1984: 135). Nevertheless, this is not likely to be the case where the following Finno- Ugric formants 11 -ma, -ra, -i r, -ič are concerned: Vjaze ma ~ Vjaze m ka (GBO103, 114, 194, 219, 253), Vjaze ra (GBO255), Vjaz ič (GBO37), Vjaz ma (GBO103), Vjaz yr (GBO179), Vjaz ma (GBO103, 219). These appellations chiefly occur in the Merya Muroma Djakovo areas. At great distances from the traditional Merya territory, toponyms regarded as Merya Muroma verify that these tribes possibly maintained commercial bases, particularly at a distance from their home territories. The settlement of Uhtomka (ARO110B3), on an isthmus between the branches of the River Pronja, a tributary of the Oka, and the River Don, can be mentioned as a certain example of Merya names very much to the south. Uht(V) < PU word *ukti is a word that existed in the languages of the Merya 12 or certainly in the protolanguage (*Proto-Merya?) before these, meaning isthmus or stretch of road (Mullonen 2002: , Helimski (2006: 119). Since the PU word *ukti track is probably in the background (Sammallahti 1988: 537), the geographical location of the toponym in question very strongly supports the etymology of the name. My conception that the word belonged to the Merya language or its predecessor is based on its prevalence in the focal areas, the old territories generally regarded as inhabited by Meryas: the Kljaz ma water system Uktoma GBO215, Uhtoma GBO214, Uhtohma GBO219, Jaroslavl 174 FUF 60 (2009)

207 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... oblasť Uhtanka AJO66, Uhtoma AJO19, AJO102, Uhta-Toržok AJO60, Kostroma oblasť Uht yngir TKKO50, Popovo ~ Uhtubuž (Ahlqvist 2001: 238; TKKO27). Irma Mullonen writes similarly that this (uht- appellation) may have become extinct before the period of the spoken language of the Finnic settlement that spread out from the Upper Volga to the north (Mullonen 2002: 214). Underlying the vjaz- form there would then appear to have been the ancient Merya word *väz(v) little < FW *wäs ä (UEW 818). I make this claim because there is no alternative appellation in the Merya area with the sense little which, when compared to other well-known Finno-Ugrian languages, would suit the ancient Merya tongue. Nevertheless, it is certain that abundant examples must be found. The rivulet Vjazkij- in the Svir area 13 is connected to a lake called Maloe ozero little lake (MAG 50), which could itself support an interpretation according to which the word *väz little existed in Merya. Of course, this could also have come from the Veps vähä little > Russ. adaptation form *vjag- > vjazkij. There is also an island in the river Svir called Vjazostrov which Irma Mullonen has reconstructed with a question mark attached as?*vezostrov [< Finnic vezi or veza] (Mullonen 2002: 62). Nevertheless, nothing should prevent the assumption that this could be a case of little island with a Merya origin. In this area in the River Svir, there are actually two successive islands, the large Ivan no ostrov and the smaller Vjaz ostrov. It is evident that the name of the bigger island has become russified into its present form at some stage. Close to the island is a settlement called Jan navolok (TKKR124), the ян- component of which can be traced to the form Ä(ä)n-; compare Proto-Saami *ε nē much (Lehtiranta 2001: 32), which could suggest that the original name of Ivan no ostrov meant big island (*env-). If this is big island, Vjaz ostrov might naturally be little island. In the water system of the lower reaches of the River Paša is a marsh called Vjazun, connected to which is a stream called Malyj little (MAG 102), which may also refer to a word of Merya origin *väz(v) (a) little. If the word *väz(v) had really existed in Merya, it must be seriously considered that the Finnish word vähä is related to this word rather than the Germanic *wæ ha- fine, small-grained [of flour] (SSA III 478) proposed by some researchers. The Mordvin Merya word vež/*väz cannot be a Germanic borrowing. 175 FUF 60 (2009)

208 Pauli Rahkonen Names for big and little, and their ethnoses: ethnos big little Mordvin in vež-, ves k- Merya Muroma von?<*on or < *en väz Meshchera un ič White and black appellations Names with the stem *as - seem to be attested in the Oka area mainly in three types: aks -/as č-/as -, os - and?us - appellations; compare PFU *ačka white < Turk-Tat. akča money (UEW 3, according to Rédei etymology uncertain). On the basis of the appellations, it would appear that the Finnic counterpart *volg(v) white occurred in Merya rather than a word based on the common origin of the Mordvin as o and Mari os. The valg-/volg-stemmed word form is also found in Mari, but there the meaning is bright, clear (SSA III 400). The appellations with as - (compare MdE as o white ) considered to be Erzya are found in Moksha territory and in the vicinity of Rjazan (map 3). The Moksha appellation aks - (compare MdM aks a white) is chiefly attested in the water systems of the rivers Mokša and Tёša, near the present day settlements of Moksha Mordvins (GBO264, 239, 257). Admittedly, one hydronym, Aks enka?< *Aks a (GBO141), is found in the Serpuhov area. Os - appellations occur in the water system of the River Mokša (GBO241, 242, 253, 254). In theory they could be related to the Meshchera appellations or even the Mordvin word os town < *voča ~ Finn. ota-va (Bartens 1999: 41). A few os - names are also found in the area of the Kljaz ma water system (GBO202, 209), which could conversely imply a Merya origin for the names in question. It is nonetheless significant that the appellation os - [Mari os - white ] is attested in precisely the same territory in the Mokša and Kljaz ma water systems as s em- and s im- names (Mokša GBO242, 250, 257, Kljaz ma GBO203, 211) [Mari s em/s im black ], so 176 FUF 60 (2009)

209 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... that they would seem more likely to be Mari appellations. Near the town of Krasnoslobodsk on the upper reaches of the River Mokša, a village called C eremis is situated, which may also be related to older Mari settlement. Both the ing(e)r- specifics GBO222, 228, MariE eŋer river (Moisio 1994: 415), and Čeremis- hydronyms GBO229 at the mouth of the Oka also provide evidence of ancient Mari settlement in the Oka area. Similarly, some old chroniclers (Rjabinin 1997: 214) refer to Maris living on the lower reaches of the Oka. The us - appellations would appear to be mainly concentrated in the archaeologically defined area of the Meshcheras and Meshchera ethnic hydronyms (map 6). In that case it could be assumed that their language, and that of the Mordvins and Maris, included the etymologically common word *as (V) ~ *us white or the word was an adaptation from Mordvin (comp. Md. *a > Mešč. u). Phonetically this would be possible (see, e.g., Sammallahti 1988: 522). Because, as mentioned earlier, the Meshchera language appears to have other words in common with the Permic languages (see above), it could be assumed that the word in question belonged to an earlier Permian word form; certainly so, if Rédei is right in reconstructing the word as as Proto-Finno-Ugrian (UEW 3). Forms corresponding to this are found among names in Udmurtia, such as two Us na- rivers in the Oka area GBO128 and 194 vs. Udmurtia s Us net ka RAU16, and the Oka s Us č er GBO190 and 226 vs. Udmurtia s Us ur RAU11, which might refer to the lost ancient Permian word *us white. Appellations with the specifics sim- occur in the Merya Muroma territory (GBO196, 203, 209, 211, 216), and this can probably be traced to the original form PFP *simɜ rust (UEW 758). In Merya names, the meaning of the specific is probably black, as is evidently the case with the Mari s em/s im black which derives from the same original word (Sammallahti 1988: 553). As already mentioned, the s em-/ s im appellation [ black ] of Mari origin seems to be geographically located in exactly the same way as the os forms. The s um- names are located in the ethnically and archaeologically defined Meshchera territory (GBO103, 126, 227, 228, 259, 262). In such a case, the word *s um or *s əm black??< PFP *simɜ rust would possibly have belonged to the Permian language. Phonologically, since direct derivation from the PFP level is not possible, this must be a question of borrowing a Mari-type word. The dialectal s um soot (URS 1983: 509) and corresponding s om coal in Komi < PPerm. *s ö m coal, soot (Lytkin 177 FUF 60 (2009)

210 Pauli Rahkonen Guljaev 1999: 321) does occur in Udmurt, for which reason this could indeed be a word of Permian origin. The change in meaning coal > black would not be difficult to explain. It is interesting that toponyms based on the modern Mordvin word for black raužo are not found at all in the River Oka catchment area (Smolickaja 1976; Inževatov 1987). On the other hand, such hydronyms as Čemeskoj (GBO266), Čemis lej (GBO256) do occur in the River Mokša area. In the Moskva catchment the hydronym Čem rav skoj (GBO 117); compare MdE čemen rust? < PFP *simɜ 14, MdE/M Rav Volga (i.e., river ), MdM rava river (Bartens 1999: 15) is found. In view of the foregoing, it could be assumed that Mordvins used the word čem to correspond to the s em black word the Maris used for naming purposes. In Merya Muroma areas, the corresponding word would seem to have been čim; compare Čiman ovs.koj (GBO203), Čim sora (AJO15 13). The appellations us - and s um- that I have assumed to be possibly Meshchera are nevertheless uncertain enough for them not to have been included on the distribution map. The appellations for white and black with the related ethnoses: ethnos white black Mordvin MdE as -, as č-, MdM aks - čem- Meshchera? us,? əs? s um,? s əm Merya Muroma volg- sim-,? čim Mari os s em, s im Observations on the ethnonym Meshchera What the literature says about the ethnonym Meshchera has been shown above. If the hypothesis advanced in this work that the Meshcheras were actually a Permian tribe, is acceptable, then the etymology of the ethnonym itself could also be sought in the Permian languages. 178 FUF 60 (2009)

211 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Lytkin Guljaev (1999: ) state the following concerning the modern Komi word: mös ör valley, ravine : < PPerm.? *(mu) s ɛr(t) area between two masses of terrain, depression, valley ; mös tras ni carry to another place, drag a boat from one waterway to another > Russ.N. мышер ина mixed forest, that grows in damp and soft ground (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 176 citing Kalima 1927: 32). In his list of Komi toponyms A. P. Afanas ev gives the meaning isthmus for the word mös ör (1996: 194). The ethnonym Meshchera could be explained phonologically by this Permian point of departure. Semantically it could be a question of a plot of land lying between the Oka and Volga that is called in Russian волгоокское междуречье, or an isthmus окско-клязьминское междуречье lying between the Kljaz ma and Oka, in which case it would be possible to interpret Jordanes imniscaris as in miscari in Miscari (see above), that is, in Möśör, and in such an event the Meshcheras would be isthmusians. In the Komi republic the Knjažpogost raion on the bank of the River Jemva, a tributary of the Vym, is a settlement named Mes čura (ARK51V6). A water route which connects the Jelva and Vym is located in this area (the route: Jelva C el ju isthmus Olem Vym). The name Mes čora occurs along the River Onega to the north of Kargopol (de Jode Jenkinson 1593, Ortelius Jenkinson 1571). The former is situated exactly in the area of the River Jemca which connects the River Onega and the Dvina through a shortish isthmus. Connections between the Oka water system and the waterways of Udmurtia What follows presents the most obvious connections between the hydronyms of Udmurtia and the Oka area, together with some brief comments. There is reason to emphasise that a comparison between the names in question would require a far more extensive description and more detailed analysis. The modest comparison offered here nevertheless ought to support the idea that a toponymic connection between Udmurtia and the Oka area is quite probable. The names from Udmurtia have been taken from the Regional nyj Atlas Udmurtskaja Respublika (RAU), the page numbers of the atlas having been used for coding. The Permian formants from the Oka territory (or in some cases ancient generics) are shown in boldface. The formants are founded on Atamanov s 1988 definitions. Undoubtedly, although the Atamanov s 179 FUF 60 (2009)

212 Pauli Rahkonen Map 2 Volga Ivanovo Klyaz ma Moskva? Merya area Nerl Vladimir Teza? Klyaz ma Ušna Murom Nižniy-Novgorod Oka Volga Ugra Dyakovo cultural area Protva Serpuhov Kaluga Oka Pra Gus Muroma area Mokša Tula Pronya Ryazan Žizdra Upa Tsna Vad Oka Orel Merya-Muroma hydronyms ililmvolovon- < *envjaz- < *väzvolgsim- Map 2. Merya and Muroma hydronyms (Smolickaja 1976). Tambov Map 3 Volga Ivanovo Nerl Teza Nižniy-Novgorod Klyaz ma Oka Volga Klyaz ma Moskva Vladimir Ušna Murom Ugra Kaluga Protva Serpuhov Oka Pra Gus Mokša Tula Pronya Ryazan Žizdra Upa Tsna Vad Mordvin hydronyms vel- upper al- lower in- great Orel vež-/vešk- little aš-/ašč-/akš- white Oka čem- black present Mordvin linguistic area area of mordv-etnonymic hydronyms Mordvin names area Map 3. Mordvin hydronyms (Smolickaja 1976). Tambov 180 FUF 60 (2009)

213 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Map 4 Volga Ivanovo Nerl Teza Nižniy-Novgorod Klyaz ma Moskva Vladimir Klyaz ma Ušna Murom Oka Volga Ugra Kaluga Protva Serpuhov Oka Pra Gus Mokša Tula Pronya Ryazan Žizdra Upa Tsna Vad Orel Oka Oka Permian names (Meshchera) Tambov vil- upper ul- lower un- great ič- little Map 4. Meshchera Permian hydronyms (Smolickaja 1976). topoformant list does hit the target, the etymological point of departure for the formants is certainly not on a very firm footing. His ideas are generally based on the doctrine of the Russian School, the belief that formants have evolved from appellatives. Nonetheless, Finnish formants, for example, resemble adfixes more than appellatives, for which reason it is sufficient to note the formants without further analysis in what follows. The names in the Oka area are based on Smolickaja s topological dictionary (GBO). The numbering refers to page numbers in the GBO. Map 5 has been drawn on the basis of the material in question. Names on the map have been transliterated according to the rules for Cyrillic, in which it is not always immediately clear whether a sibilant or affricate is palatalized or not. The soft sign ь is represented by the sign. However, in discussing the etymology of Permian words palatalisation has been marked s, ǯ, etc. C ep ca ~ Udm. C upč i (RAU12), C ep yc (RAU11), C ep yk (RAU13) vs. C ep ur da nka (GBO268), C ep ur inskaja (GBO141) < čep- undefined Permian formant -ur < *-ur ~ -i r? (Atamanov 1988: 79). 181 FUF 60 (2009)

214 Pauli Rahkonen Ir ej ka (RAU23), Ir in ga (RAU26), Ir i m ka (RAU13/18) vs. Ira (GBO231), Ir ža (GBO265), Ir ka (GBO251), Ir mez ~ Irmes (GBO216), Ir mis a (GBO214), Ir ov (GBO113), Ir ša (GBO254) < Komi ir ~ jir deep water (SSKD 138) Permian formants -ej < *-oj (Atamanov 1988: 61); possibly an ancient Permian specific ditch (Atamanov 1988: 61), -mez ~ -mes, -mis < *mes; according to Atamanov water source (Atamanov 1988: 60 61), although I consider this etymological assumtion somewhat uncertain; -ža?< *ǯ i (Atamanov 1988: 74). Ita (RAU18/19), It inka (RAU19) vs. It ja (GBO173) < Udm. iti ni join (URS 170); in Udmurtia, the Ita and Siva rivers formed a short isthmus for portage in the distant past by connecting important water routes, C epca and Kama; in Jaroslavl oblasť Volga tributary It and its tributary the Tojmina and the Kostroma River tributaries Uhtanka/Savondranka function as a connecting river between the Volga and the River Kostroma, through a short isthmus for portage. Jaga (RAU36), Jago šur (RAU10), Jag ul ka (RAU25), Jag ul ka (RAU29) vs. Jag us (GBO254), Jago ma (GBO218), Jagu b ovskoj (GBO219), Jagu p ovskoj (GBO171) < Udm./Komi jag pine wood (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 337) Permian formants/generics -b-, -p- < *-pa ~ -ba, the basis of the etymology of which Atamanov considers uncertain. In Udmurtian topology, pa-/ba- also occurs as a specific. (Atamanov 1988: 80.) The element -ul in the name Jag ul ka (RAV25, 29) corresponds to Udm. ul low (Kel makov pers. comm ). Kačo (RAU11) vs. Kač ka (GBO243), Kač kur (GBO196), Kač ma (GBO214), Kač ur ov (GBO191), Kač hra (GBO228) < Udm. kaz net (URS 181) < *kaǯ (Kel makov ) Permian formant -ur ~ -i r, see above;?permian generic kur < Komi kur ja (river) inlet, sound (SSKD 144; Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 147), in the Oka area kur lake (see Kuro oz. (GBO192, 228). Kady (RAU39) vs. Kad (GBO129), Kada da (GBO238), Kady b ka ~ Kad yč ek (GBO68), Kad ym ov (GBO167). < Udm. dial. kad swamp (URS 180), Komi kad lake which has become marsh, boggy shore (SSKD 144) Permian formants/generics -b- < *ba (Atamanov 1988: 80), -yč- < *-ič ~ -i č (Atamanov 1988: 78), -ym (-i m) < *-i m ~ -um (Atamanov 1988:78); regularly corresponding to the Permian formant i m- (Sammallahti 1988: 530) often -om in the Volga-Oka area; e.g., RAU11 Kesti m ka vs. GBO194 Kestoma, RAU13 Kosti m vs. GBO104 Kostom ka. 182 FUF 60 (2009)

215 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Keč evka (RAU32) vs. Keč ka (GBO169), Keč kura (GBO201), Keč uga (GBO215), Keč (GBO237) < Udm. keč, Komi köč hare (SSKD 173; URS 196) Permian kur(a) < Komi kur ja (river) inlet and possibly -uga < early PPerm *juk (Atamanov 1988: 60) A. K. Matveev and the archaeologist V. F. Genning consider the distribution of the specific -jug(a)- to correspond with the Anan ino cultural area and thus be connected with the Permian nations (Atamanov 1988: 60 citing Matveev 1961: 138; 1965: 211.). Unlike Atamanov, Lytkin Guljaev believe the PPermian word for river occurred in the form *ju not *juk (1997: 334). For his part Sammallahti favours juka/joka as the Proto-Finno-Permian form (1988: 537). Kel vaj (RAU29) vs. Kel da (GBO237), Kel inka (GBO105), Kel man (GBO223), Kel ca (GBO125), Kel ja (GBO268) <? PPerm *kel ale-coloured [perhaps in the appellative for muddy water ] (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 121) Permian formant -man; Atamanov considers the Indo-European < *mano-, *mani- wet, damp (1988: 76-77) to be the etymological basis. Ker njur (RAU11) vs. Ker mis (GBO252) < Komi, Proto-Perm. ker timber (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 121) Permian formant -mis < *-mes; if this formant corresponds to basic form source, it cannot be semantically related to timber. It is certainly possible that the generic has lost its meaning and become a pure formant or that the source, spring etymology is incorrect. Kok man (RAU16) vs. Kok men noj (GBO134) < Udm. koko egg (URS 204), Komi koko (game)birds (SSKD 161) Permian formant -men < *-man; see the name Kel - above. Kut yk (RAU16) vs. Kut uk ova (GBO142) < Komi kut ni, Udm. kuti ni hunt, catch (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 147) -uk?<?(early) PPerm. *juk. Nyrse vaj ka (RAU23) vs. Nyrsa (GBO238) < Udm./Komi ni r nose, beak (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 197), headland, promontory (USS 328) a Permian formant -sa < * -si; (Atamanov 1988: 75 76). Pozim (RAU25) vs. Pozem noe (GBO262) < Komi poz nest (SSKD 290) Permian formant -em < *i m ~ -um; see the name Kad- above. Pyž ja (RAU14), Pyž man ka (RAU28) vs. Pyž avka (GBO236), Pyž evskoj (GBO177, 205), Pyž ik (GBO172, 233), Pyž ovskoj (GBO216) < Udm./Komi pi ž, PPerm *pu ž boat (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 235) Sed mikča (RAU5), Sed murča (RAU22) vs. Sed ma (GBO253) < Udm./Komi s e d, PPerm *s o d black (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 269). 183 FUF 60 (2009)

216 Pauli Rahkonen Sep (RAU18), Sep ož ka (RAU18), Sep yč (RAU11), Sep yč (RAU24/25) vs. Sep or ka (GBO189) < Udm. s ep strip of land (URS 386) Permian formant -or- < *-ur ~ i r (Atamanov 1988: 79-80), in many cases Perm. i ~ Oka o in the toponyms. Sine pur ka (RAU15) vs. Sine bor ka (GBO226) < Udm. s in eye [ source in the topologies] (URS 389) Permian generic Komi bör, Udm. ber, PPerm *bɛr- rear-, back (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 41). Siva (RAU20/26) vs. Siv ka (GBO108,200, 264), Siv skoj (GBO161), Siv us ~ Siv či (GBO232), Siv il (GBO257) < etymology of generic unclear; since the Udmurtian Siva is a big river, the name may be very old, possibly an archaic form of the word *s awe clay, which the UEW considers Proto-Finno-Ugric. The *a could be traceable to the initial syllable PU vowel *i reconstructed by Sammallahti (1988: 481). On the other hand, since there is an abundance of sivnames around the Oka, the etymology should be of a general nature Permian formant -čí (Atamanov 1988: 75), generic -il < jul forest river or the generic < ji l source area of a river (Atamanov 1988: 62, 80; URS 175). Sjur ek (RAU21), Sjur vaj (RAU17), Sjur juk (RAU14), Sjur sovajka (RAU18/19), Sjur zja (RAU16,19), Sjur zi; Verh. (RAU10) vs. Sjur (GBO261) < Udm./Komi s ur horn (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 274). Šark an (RAU19) vs. Šark inskaja (GBO145)??< Udm. s ark clatter (URS 495), Komi s ark rapidly, noisily (SSKS 425); compare the Finnish naming of Koliseva, Tyrisevä, etc. noise making. Šur vaj ka (RAU24) vs. Šur b enskaja (GBO227), Šur il ka (GBO236), Šur man skoj (GBO262) < Udm. s ur river (URS 510) Permian formants -b- < * -ba ~ -pa, -man- < *-man, Permian generic -il- < *ji l source area of a river ; see above. Tojma (RAU30/37), Tojma; Mal. (RAU30) vs. Tojm iga (GBO228), Tajm yga (GBO225) < Komi tuj road < PPerm *tȣ j (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 285) > in Udmurtia Tojma (officially) ~ Tujmi (Udm.), Tojmo bas (officially) ~ Tujmi ji l (Udm.) (Atamanov 1988: 80); in the toponyms Tojma-rivers always river road-stretch or river isthmus ; e.g., Tojma (RAU30), the River Dvina tributaries Tojma, Verh. & Niž., Jaroslavl oblasť Tojmina (AJO66). Tort ym ka (RAU13) vs. Torto mas ovs.koj (GBO259), Torta (GBO231)? < Udm. dial. turto shaft Permian formant -mas- < *mes ~ mas ~ mos; see above. Tyl oj (RAU18), Tyl oj ka (RAU18) vs. Tylec ~ Tyl ma (GBO130), Tyl ka (GBO184) < Udm. ti l wind ; compare Komi ti la slash and burn-forest (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 292), Udm. ti lo low forest (Atamanov 1988: 66). 184 FUF 60 (2009)

217 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Ud eb ka (RAU27) vs. Ud (GBO270), Uda (GBO187), Ud va (GBO241), Ud evskoj (GBO193) < Udm. ud Udmurt (tribe) (URS 441) Permian generic -va < Komi, va, PPerm *va [?*vå] (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 46) water. Uj (RAU18), Uj vaj ka (RAU19) vs. Uj ka (GBO38) < Udm. uj night, north (URS 444). Usa (RAU38) vs. Usa (GBO45) < Udm. usi harrow?~ Komi vos tooth (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 63 64), < Komi us ni, PPerm *Ȣs - (to) drop (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 298),? <?Old Permian *us a waterfall. In Udmurt names Us- (official) ~ Jus - (Udm.) (Atamanov 1988: 148) < Udm. jus swan. Ušn et ka (RAU16) vs. Ušna (GBO128, 194); see white names above;?? < Mari os white ;?? < Udm. jus perch. Vala (RAU21/29/30) vs. Val (GBO185), Vale vaš evs.koj (GBO64), Val ej (GBO257), Vale m ka (GBO97), Vale nga (GBO227), Val oga (GBO140) < Udm. val horse (URS 69). The Vala in Udmurtia can be interpreted as va water + formant -la (Atamanov 1988: 59)? Permian formant -vas < bas. Vi šur (RAU17), Vi šur ka (RAU29) vs. Vi hra oz. (GBO196), Vi enka (GBO153) < Udm. dial. vi plain between two rivers (URS 80) or Komi vi j, vi butter (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 71). Vož gajan ka (RAU16), Vož oj ka (RAU25) vs. Voža (GBO160), Voža tel (GBO268), Vož enka (GBO211), Vož noe (GBO130) < Udm. vož mouth of river, intersection, branching (URS 86), Komi vož branch, branching (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 60) Permian element -tel < Udm. tel young fir or pine forest (Atamanov 1988: 66). Vuko šur (RAU19) vs. Vuko nka (GBO168) < Udm. vuko mill (URS, 97); Kel makov points out that vuko is a recent word in Udmurt (Kel makov ). Nevertheless, the suggestion that the Meshchera language was still quite recently being spoken in the 16 th century was made above. Conclusions First, let it be observed that both the most essential specifics of hydronyms upper / lower and big / little, and toponymic contacts with Udmurtia appear to suggest a connection between Permian names and the archaeo- logical cultural territory of the Meshcheras. It should also be remembered that although the three Finno-Ugrian linguistic groups of the Oka water system area discussed above, the Mordvins, Merya Muromas and Permians, reside pretty much within the their own areas, the tribes in question did not dwell in their own precisely defined national states. For this reason, 185 FUF 60 (2009)

218 Pauli Rahkonen Map 5 Volga Ivanovo Nerl Teza Nižniy-Novgorod Klyaz ma Oka Volga Klyaz ma Moskva Vladimir Ušna Murom Ugra Kaluga Protva Serpuhov Oka Pra Gus Mešèerskij Gorodec Mokša Tula Pronya Ryazan Žizdra Upa Tsna Vad Orel Oka Common names on Udmurtia and Oka hydronyms Meščerskyj Gorodec Meshchera core area Tambov Map 5. Udmurt toponyms (RAU 2003) and Oka toponyms (Smolickaja 1976). we can only speak of a core area and peripheries. In particular, the areas in which the Meshcheras lived overlapped with those of the Muromas and Mordvins, exactly as stated in the Chronicle (see above). Nonetheless, we can speak of a core area of Meshcheras, which appears to have been bipolar; the more westerly territory being situated along the banks of the River Moskva and the Upper Kljaz ma, and the eastern on the River Oka from Rjazan to Murom. The different approaches in this work chosen for the study of the Meshchera territories do give results that slightly differ from each other, although as a whole they are fairly congruent. Maps 4 and 6 show that the distribution of the most essential specifics vil-, ul-, un- ič- ( upp(er), low(er), big, small ) (in the areas of Moscow, Rjazan and Meščerskij Gorodec) matches the archaeological sites dated AD fairly closely. Taking into consideration both the specifics and the evidence from archaeological excavations, the Meshcheras were located in two core areas, such that the 186 FUF 60 (2009)

219 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... western area was on the eastern side of Moscow and the eastern area in the Oka basin between Rjazan and Murom, the midpoint being Meščerskij Gorodec ~ Kasimov. 16 The ethnic mešc ёra hydronyms extend to the mouth of the Oka, which is north of Murom (maps 1 and 6). The description given by late medieval chroniclers affirming that the Meshcheras dwelt among the Mordvins and Muromas (maps 1 3) corresponds to this. The fact that these ethnic hydronyms are also found by the River Pronja, the area around the source of the Mokša, the Tambov area and in the Moscow area is also evident from the territorial distribution of the specifics vil-, ul-, un- and ič- (map 4). The toponyms shared with Udmurtia (map 5) confirm the concept of a Meshchera territory somewhat more extensive than the archaeological findings. In addition to the territory between the Moscow area and Rjazan - Murom, common names are attested in the area around the source of the Mokša and north of Murom in the direction of the confluence of the Oka. It would seem that the Permian Meshcheras tried to control the traffic on the important necks of land between the River Moskva and the Volga, between the Pronja and Don and between the Mokša and Sura. Furthermore, it would appear that they attempted to man important confluences, such as those of the Moskva, Mokša, Kljaz ma and the Oka itself. It should be borne in mind that Permian names also occur over a very wide territory elsewhere in central and northern Russia. Some of these are probably connected with the Anan ino Culture fanning out from the Lower Kama towards the west. This is suggested by A. K. Matveev, who alludes to -jug names (1961, 1965). Not all of the Permian population living in the extensive area of these toponyms in northern Russia can be directly associated with the Meshcheras, but at least it would seem to apply to other different Permian groups. In summary (map 6), it can be stated that the archaeological material provides a more limited view of the Meshcheras. The big / little and upper / lower names extend this territory in the direction of the lower reaches of the Oka and to the district of Rjazan. The combined picture from the Meshchera ethnic hydronyms and the Udmurt toponyms is even more extensive than this, reaching further, particularly eastwards to the River Mokša and the north-eastern confluence region of the Oka. One explanation may be that the archaeologically defined territory corresponds to the situation AD, but the toponyms describe the state of affairs which, according to the chroniclers, existed at the end of the medieval pe- 187 FUF 60 (2009)

220 Pauli Rahkonen riod. Consequently, the Meshcheras would have moved towards the northeast and east, as suggested by Markov (1993: 3). When was this layer of Permian names established? Such an abundance of names presupposes a considerable population flow. From the archaeological point of view, there were several periods of migration. The earliest can be considered to be the period of the Anan ino Culture ca BC. Both A. H. Halikov and V. Patrušev consider the westward migration of the Anan ino population in the east relatively certain (Halikov 1992: 57 60; Patrušev 2000: 89 99). The change brought about by the Anan ino Culture in ceramics is also so striking as to suggest that an extensive migration is indeed probable. At that time Proto-Permian or, more precisely, Early Proto-Permian language was spoken (Bartens 2000: 10). On the other hand, as evidenced earlier, many archaeologists consider the Meshchera Culture to have been based on the Gorodec Culture of the Iron-Age (e.g., Rjabinin 1997: 232 and appropriate citations). As mentioned earlier, the Gorodec Culture in turn could have had contacts, at least to some extent, not only with the Anan ino Culture, but also with that which followed, the Pjanobor C eganda Culture. A third significant cultural flow was that of the Lomovatova Culture, which blossomed ca AD. (Conversation with Carpelan ; Patrušev 2000: 162, ) The period of the distinctive culture of the Meshcheras begins in the Oka region soon after this. It would seem that the Lomovatova Culture could not on the face of it have initiated such a large migration as the substantial number of Permian names would have necessitated. On the other hand, access to Udmurt names does not seem old enough to have reached back to the period of the Anan ino Culture. The specifics are quite transparent and even many modern Udmurt formants would appear to have originated in the Oka topology (see above). For these reasons, a progressive migration can be posited that may admittedly have commenced during the Anan ino period, when Early Proto-Permian was already being used (Bartens 2000: 10) and apparently acquired considerable increases later, including migrants from the Lomovatova cultural environment. During the time of the Lomovatova Culture, Proto-Permian is thought to have begun to split up into Komi and Udmurt (ibid. 2000: 13). It is, however, hard to determine what part was played in this process by Oka Permian. On the basis of what has been stated above it can be supposed that the old Permian colonies, small to begin with, lured new settlers to the 188 FUF 60 (2009)

221 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... productive commercial routes. Pronin speaks of the Great Volga trading route that proceeded from the Upper Volga to Kljaz ma and along the River Moskva to Oka (Pronin 2006: 2). Quite possibly the connection with the old mother land Udmurtia continued. Linguistically this would imply a western Proto-Permian, that is, a Meshchera variant. Thus, migration could have continued over a period of almost a thousand years in the same way in which Slavic expansion occurred little by little over the course of many centuries. Pauli Rahkonen University of Helsinki Kivimäentie 49, Lahti, Finland pauli.rahkonen@gmail.com Map 6 Volga Ivanovo Nerl Teza Nižniy-Novgorod Klyaz ma Oka Volga Klyaz ma Moskva Vladimir Ušna Murom Ugra Kaluga Protva Serpuhov Oka Pra Gus Meshcherskij Gorodec Mokša Tula Pronya Ryazan Žizdra Upa Tsna Vad Orel Oka Meshchera etnonymic hydronym their borders Meshchera archaeological sites Permian vil-,ul-,un-,ič- hydronyms corresponding density of Udm. Names Map 6. Summary of Meshchera names from the Oka area and archaeological material. Tambov 189 FUF 60 (2009)

222 Pauli Rahkonen Notes 1 In the Russian literature, the terms right bank and left bank are used according to the direction of the current from the upper reaches to the lower reaches. 2 Generally speaking, my own observation has been that the toponyms have spread somewhat further than what is considered to be the corresponding archaeological cultural area in many instances. 3 The border between the Finnish coastal and inland cultures can also be considered a long-standing cultural boundary that began to take shape during the period of the Corded Ware Culture and continued until the Medieval Finnish invasion. 4 The horse motif of the Meshchera pendants is elaborately stylised (see Rjabinin 1997: 219, 226, plates 58, 61) compared to, for example, the otherwise corresponding or almost corresponding Mari pendants, the horse representations of which are decidedly recognisable as horses (Nikitin Nikitina 2004: 100, plate 42). 5 This territory has been the object of many instances of migration since the period of Gorodec Culture influence: for example, the Bolgars, Tatars, Mordvins, and Russians have since left a substantial toponym substrate. 6 I have also added the Il m- names to this, even though here it is not necessarily a case of a word being formed from the elements ile + the formant -ma. The Il m- appellation is, however, always found in river source areas. 7 The ethnic definition of a territory is based on identical evidence from archaeology (as in Rjabinin 1997: 150, , 200, illustrations 40, 44, 53; Leont ev 1996: 26, illustration 1), ethnic hydronyms and historical sources (see Rjabinin 1997: , 197 and citations). 8 The hydronyms El(i)m-?< PSaami *e lmē ilma ~ air (Lehtiranta 2001: 10) of Finnish and Saami origin are often associated with upper- waters (e.g., Mullonen 2002: ). In regard to central and northern Russian hydronyms, it is not quite certain that the word ilma, i.e., the sky, is in the background. It could be a matter of upper- + the -ma- formant. At least in the names Ild and Ilezem it is a question of upper- + the formants -d < *da and -z + m< *ma. In the case of those toponyms assumed to be of Saami origin in Finnish areas, one might also suspect that in some cases the Proto-Saami *e lē upper (Lehtiranta 2001: 10) + formant -ma may be somewhere in the background. In this event, the middle vowel could be explained in such source lakes as Elamonjärvi [Kuhmalahti], Elimojärvi [Lieksa], Elimonjärvi [Ilomantsi], Elimysjärvi [Kuhmo]; observe the source lake of the River Laajoki Elijärvi [Yläne] (GT2000). 9 MAG 81, e.g., Veps variant En oja ~ Russ. Енная [Jennaja], Енуя [Jenuja] 10 This study will not enter into the debate as to whether the prosthetic /v/ belonged to the Merya Muroma language in the same way as SaN vuolle- < Proto-Saami *vōlē lower- (Lehtiranta 2001: 152; see Korhonen 1981: 131) or is a form that has since been influenced by Russian; compare вобжа (Kursk) ~ обжа (Dal I 217; REW III 99), вольха (Voronež, Kursk) ~ ольха (Dal II 672), вомиг (south, west) ~ омег (Dal II 672), вострец ~ острец (Dal I 251). 11 -ma is an extensive formant in Finno-Ugrian languages; -ra, compare Md. rav(a) river, in old maps Rha ~ Volga, i.e., River ; -i r, -ič (Atamanov 1988: 78 79). 190 FUF 60 (2009)

223 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe According to the toponyms the Muroma language and languages spoken in the western parts of Kostroma and Vologda oblast s are very close to the languages in the areas of the Meryas (Rahkonen manuscript). On that account I use the term Merya languages in plural in the same way as the Saami languages are spoken of. 13 There are a significant number of other appellations of Merya origin in the Svir area (Kalima 1942; MAG; Mullonen 1997: XIX). 14 Rédei mentions this Erzya-Mordvin word in connection with the word PFP *simɜ-: kann wegen des abweichenden anlautenden Konsonanten keine Entsprechung der oben angefürten Wörter sein (UEW 759). Lytkin relates the Komi sim with the Erzya Mordvin čemen (Lytkin Guljaev 1999: 258). 15 AJO is an abbreviation for the atlas named Atlas Jaroslavskoj oblasti (2002). 16 On old maps, the name is in the form, Cassim gorode (Ortelius Jenkinson 1571; de Jode Jenkinson 1593) and Cassima (Mercator 1595). Appendix Table for name material in the maps 2 4: The criterion used for the inclusion of hydronyms is generally that the appropriate Finno-Ugrian formant has the specific of a Finno-Ugrian name attached to it. Russian adfixes have been demarcated from other elements by the sign. The index coding for the name is indicated using the relevant page number in Smolickaja s dictionary of toponyms GBO (1976). il(e/v), ilm- Ilam ov GBO68 Il ma ~ Il mahta ~ GBO208 Il mohta Ilemel ~ Ileml GBO70 Il m enka GBO129, 225 Ilem enka GBO95 Il m en GBO228, 253 Ilem ka ~ Ilemna GBO193 Il mžes GBO263 Ilemles GBO69 Il m inka GBO168 Ilemn ikov Ilenda Ilimd ina GBO192 GBO228 GBO FUF 60 (2009)

224 Pauli Rahkonen Ilinda Ilot GBO193 GBO96 Vele nka GBO78, 100, 123 Vele nec ~ Vele ncovskoj GBO138 Velegoži GBO109 Vele nskoj GBO255 Velegoža GBO111 Velet ma GBO263 Velež evka GBO145 Veleuš ka GBO111 Velej GBO128 Veleš evskoj GBO266 Velej ka GBO102, 123 Velešč GBO128 Velejna GBO35 Veloga GBO106 Velem ka GBO180 Vel evam iha GBO223 Vila GBO79, 165 Vilovat oj GBO229 Vilej ka GBO267 Vilovat oe GBO191, 225 Vilema GBO262 Vilin GBO185 Viliš ka GBO171 Vili nka GBO118, 174 Viliš ka, Mal. GBO207 vel(e)- vil- vol- Volož enka GBO140 Vološ ino GBO FUF 60 (2009)

225 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Volokša GBO196 Vološ inskoj GBO113 Alguž GBO258 Aloža GBO92 Aleksa GBO93 Alem enka GBO95 Uleb skoe GBO74 Uluntus GBO187 Ul enka GBO118 Uluk ovo GBO185 Ul enka ~ Ul inka GBO198 Uluk oe GBO164 Ul ina GBO233 Ulus ~ Ulas GBO184 (ARO83Б1) Ul ovka GBO160 Ulup inka GBO117 Ulot GBO35 Uly byš ARO77A4 Volondel GBO230 Vološ ka GBO195, 196, 207, 262, 270 al- ul- von- Vonhar GBO230 Vona GBO129?Vonduha ~ Vondjuha GBO221 Vonven e GBO120?Vondega ~ Vondoga GBO202 in- Ineviž GBO227 In ov GBO136 In evka GBO96 Inokša; Bol. & Mal. GBO FUF 60 (2009)

226 Pauli Rahkonen Inelej GBO267 Inor ka GBO242 Inenkur GBO230 Inot ynka GBO110 Inevež GBO219 Inoča GBO90, 91, 92, 102 Inevež ka ~ GBO205 Inoš evskoj GBO165 Ineboš ka Ineläj, Bol. & Mal. GBO218 Insar GBO254 In ica GBO257 Insara GBO255 In kuža GBO243 Insar skaja GBO267 GBO207 Inshra ~ Inskra GBO196 Un evka GBO117, 268 Un ka GBO142, 155 Une evka GBO255 Unkar GBO191 Unež koj GBO45 Unkor GBO190, 232, 233, 262 Unža GBO191 Unkor ka GBO192 Unža Gluhaja GBO192 Unoga GBO198 Unžel ka GBO198 Unor ka GBO193 Unz ovo GBO269 Unuj GBO256 Uninka GBO118 Unca GBO160 Inobež ka ~ Inobeš ka un- vjaz- Vjaz GBO197 Vjazič ciha GBO FUF 60 (2009)

227 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Vjazema, Bol. GBO114 Vjazma ~ Vjazem ka GBO103 Vjazem ka GBO194, 219, Vjaz ov GBO Vjazera GBO255 Vjaz nik GBO113 Vjazič GBO37 Vjazyr GBO179 Veža GBO106 Vežišče GBO128 Vežat GBO268 Vež noe GBO193 Vežbola GBO209 Vež ovka GBO37 Vežga GBO240 Veška GBO216 GBO66 Veškar skoj GBO247 Iča GBO94 Ičerhi GBO232 Ičal ka GBO264 Ič inskoj GBO95 Ičelem ovskoj GBO266 Ič ka GBO108 Ič enka GBO133 vež-, vešk- Vež enka ~ Vež nja~ Vežiš nja ič- volg- Volgan Volgoma GBO127 GBO272 Volguša GBO209, FUF 60 (2009)

228 Pauli Rahkonen Ašalej a GBO265 Ašic skoj GBO177 Ašem ovskoj GBO167 Ašč epa GBO140 Aš ina GBO257 Aščur ka GBO130 Ašit kov GBO150 Akša ~ Akšem skoj GBO264 Aš kinskoj GBO248 Akšemjaš ev GBO239 Aš kovo GBO127 Akš enka GBO141 Ašlej GBO253 Akš ovka GBO257 Simanga GBO196 Simiga GBO211 Simaha GBO209 Sim inka GBO216 Simer ic GBO233 aš-, ašc -, akš- sim- c em- C emer iha GBO113 C emislej GBO256 C emes koj GBO266 C emrav skoj GBO117 References Ahlqvist, Arja 2001: Kertomuksia Keski-Venäjältä III. Unžan jokivarrella. Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrenne 89. Helsinki. Afanas ev 1996 = АФАНАСЬЕВ, А. П.: Tопонимия Республики Коми. Коми книжное издательство. Сыктывкар. Ageeva 1990 = АГЕЕВА, Р. А.: Страны и народы: Произхождение названий. Москва. 196 FUF 60 (2009)

229 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Alihova 1959 = АЛИХОВА, А. Е.: Из историй мордвы конца I начала II тыс. н.э. Из древней и средневековой историй мордовского народа. Саранск. Atamanov 1988 = АТАМАНОВ, М. Г.: Удмуртская Ономастика. «Удмуртия». Ижевск. Balode, Laimute 2005: Latvian paikannimistä. Latvian historiaa ja kulttuuria. Rozentāls-seura. Otavan Kirjapaino Oy. Keuruu Bartens, Raija 1999: Mordvalaiskielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran toimituksia 232. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Helsinki. 2000: Permiläiskielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran toimituksia 238. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Helsinki. Carpelan, Christian Parpola, Asko 2001: Emergence, Contacts and Dispersal of Proto-Indo-European, Proto-Uralic and Proto-Aryan in Archaeological Perspective. Early Contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: Linguistic and Archaeological Considerations. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran toimituksia 242. Suomalais- Ugrilainen Seura. Helsinki Dal = ДАЛЬ, ВЛАДИМИР: Толковый словарь живого великорусского языка. Москва. GBO 1976 = СМОЛИЦКАЯ, Г. П.: Гидронимия бассейна Оки. Издательство Наука. Москва. Gorodcov 1910 = ГОРОДЦОВ, В. А.: Бытовая археология. Москва. Halikov 1989 = ХАЛИКОВ, А. Х.: Татарский народ и его предки. Казань. 1992: Vom Einfluss der Aselino-Ananjino-Kultur auf die Ethnogenese der Mari. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 84. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Helsinki Helimski, Eugene 2006: The North-Western Group of Finno-Ugric Languages and its Heritage in the Place Names and Substratum Vocabulary of the Russian North. The Slavicization of the Russian North. Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki. Hirviluoto, A.-L. Vormisto, T. 1984: En massgrav från yngre järnålder i Isokylä, Salo. Finskt Museum Inževatov 1987 = ИНЖЕВАТОВ, И. К.: Топонимический словарь Мордовской АССР. Мордовское книжное издательство. Саранск. Ivanov 1925 = ИВАНОВ, А.: Пустошенский могильник. Труды Владимирского государственного областного музея. Вып. I. Владимир. De Jode, Cornelius Jenkinson, Anthonius 1593: Theatrvm orbis terrarum, Russiæ, Moscoviæ et Tartariæ Descriptio. Amsterdam London. 1593: Speculum Orbis Terræ, Moscoviæ maximi amplissimi qve dvcatus. Antwerpen. Ju kova, M. A. 2006: North-Western Russia before its Settling by Slavs (8th Century BC 8th Century AD). The Slavicization of the Russian North. Slavica Helsingensia 27. Helsinki. Kalima, Jalo 1927: Syrjänisches lehngut im russischen. Finnisch-Ugrische-Forschungen XVIII. Helsinki : Karjalaiset ja merjalaiset. Uusi Suomi Helsinki. Kirkinen, Heikki 1990: Merjasta Mikkeliin. Inkerin teillä. Kalevalaseuran vuosikirja Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Helsinki FUF 60 (2009)

230 Pauli Rahkonen Kiviniemi, Eero 1990: Perustietoa paikannimistä. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Helsinki. Klima, L zsl 1995: The linguistic affinity of the Volgaic Finno-Ugrians and their Ethnogenesis. Budapest. Korhonen, Mikko 1981: Johdatus lapin kielen historiaan. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Helsinki. Krenke 1989 = КРЕНКЕ, Н. А.: Глиняная пластика и некоторые особенности позднедьаковских городищ Подмосковья. Советская Археология 1989/2. Москва. Lafreri, Antonio Gastaldi, Giacomo 1568: Geografia tavole moderne.., la prima parte della descrittione del Regno di Polonia.Venezia. Lavento, Mika 2001: Textile Ceramics in Finland and on the Karelian isthmus. Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja 109. Helsinki. Lehtiranta, Juhani 2001: Yhteissaamelainen sanasto. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran toimituksia 200. Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Helsinki. Leontʼev, A. E. 1996: The Archaeology of the Merya (The Early History of North- Eastern Russia). Russian Monographs in Migration period and Medieval Archaeology. Edited by Gennadii E. Afanas ev and Falko Daim in collaboration with Dafydd Kidd Volume 4. Russian Academy of sciences. Institute of Archaeology. Moscow Lytkin Guljaev 1999 = ЛЫТКИН, В. И. ГУЛЯЕВ, Е. С.: Краткий этимологи- ческий словарь коми языка. Переиздание с дополнением. Коми книжное издательство. Сыктывкар. Mačinskij Kulešov 2004 = МАЧИНСКИЙ, Д. А. КУЛЕШОВ, В. С.: Северные народы середины IV первой половины VI в. в Getica Иордана. Ладога и Глеб Лебедев. Восьмые чтения памяти Анны Мачинской. Санкт-Петербург MAG 1997 = МУЛЛОНЕН, И. И. АЗАРОВА, И. В. ГЕРД, А. С.: Словарь гидронимов Юго-Восточного Приладожья. Бассейн реки Свирь. Издательство Санкт-Петербургского университета. Ст. Петербург. Markov, Aleksej 1998: Мещёра. Meshchera. Matveev 1961 = МАТВЕЕВ, А. К.: Древнеуральская топонимика и её происхождение. Вопросы археологии Урала. Свердловск : Есть ли древнепермская топонимика в Заволочье? Советское Финно- Угроведение 3. Mercator, Gerard 1595: Atlas sive cosmographicae, Russia cum confinijs. Amsterdam. Mitrofanov, Aleksej Doukelsky, Vladimir 2003: An old town of the ancient Meshchera. Moisio 1994 = МОЙСИО, АРТО: Марла Финнла мутер. Марий книга савыктыш. Йошкар-Ола. Mongajt 1961 = МОНГАЙТ, А. Л.: Рязанская земля. Москва. Mullonen 2002 = МУЛЛОНЕН, И. И.: Торонимия Присвирья. Проблемы этноязыкового контактирования. Российская академия наук. Карельский научный центр. Институт языка, литературы и истории. Петрозаводск. 198 FUF 60 (2009)

231 The Linguistic Background of the Ancient Meshchera Tribe... Murzaev 1984 = МУРЗАЕВ, Е. М.: Словарь народных географических терминов. Москва. Nikitin Nikitina 2004 = НИКИТИН, В. В. НИКИТИНА, Т. Б.: К истокам марийского искусства. Марийский научно-исследовательский институт языка, литературы и истории им. В. М. Васильева. Научно-производственный центр по охране и использованию памятников истории и културы. Министерства культуры, печати и по делам национальностей Республики Марий Эл. Йошкар-Ола. OAK 1899 = Отчеты Археологической комиссии. Санкт-Петербург. Петроград. Ortelius, Abraham Jenkinson Anthonius 1571: Theatrvm orbis terrarum, Russiæ, Moscoviæ et Tartariæ Descriptio. Amsterdam London. Patru ev, Valery 2000: The Early History of the Finno-Ugric Peoples of European Russia. Societas Historiae Fenno-Ugricae. Oulu. PSRL = Полное собрание русских летописей Москва Požarickaja 2005 = ПОЖАРИЦКАЯ, С. К.: Русская диалектология. Академический проект. Москва. Pronin, A. 2006: The lost World of Meshchera. Egorievsk Fine Arts and History Museum. Punalippu 1973: Voitto tataareista. Punalippu 6/1973. Petrozavodsk Rahkonen, Pauli: Olhavan- ja Laukaanjoen vesistöaluiden suomalais-ugrilainen nimistö Itämerensuomalaista vai volgalaista? (Manuscript). Ylä-Volgan ja Okan alueen suomalais-ugrilaiset etnonyymit. (Manuscript). REW = Vasmer, Max : Russisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch Этимологический словарь русского языка. Перевод с немечкого и дополнения академика РАН О. Н. Трубачева. 4-е издание, стереотипное. Астрел. Москва Rjabinin 1997 = РЯБИНИН, Е. А.: Финно-Угорские племена в составе древней Руси. Издательство Санкт-Петербургского университета. Санкт-Петербург. Sammallahti, Pekka 1988: Historical phonology of Uralic languages. With special reference to Samoyed, Ugric and Permic. Denis Sinor (ed.) Uralic languages. Description, history and foreign influences. Leiden New York København Köln.: E. J. Brill. Sedov 1987 = СЕДОВ, В. В.: Племена культури рязанско-окских могильников. Фенно-угры и балты в эпоху средневековья. Археология СССР. Москва. Smirnov 1952 = СМИРНОВ, А. П.: Очерки древней и средневековой историй народов Средного Поволжья и Прикамья. Материали и исследования по археологии СССР 28. Москва. Smolickaja 1976 s. GBO Spicyn 1899 = СПИЦЫН, А. А.: Обозрезние некоторых губернии и областей России в археологическом отношении. Записки Русского археологического общество. Т. XI. Вып : К истории заселения Верхного Поволжья русскими. Тверская областная археологическая съезда. Тверь. SSA = Suomen sanojen alkuperä. Etymologinen sanakirja. Päätoim. Erkki Itkonen, Ulla-Maija Kulonen. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 556. Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja 62. Helsinki. 199 FUF 60 (2009)

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233 Conclusions I present my conclusions rather briefly, because I have widely illustrated the problems, arguments, evaluations and my self-criticisms of each article in the Introduction. Therefore, I did not want to repeat the same matters once again. The Land between Finnic and Mordvin As I have stated in the Introduction, the main aim of this research is to describe Uralic languages spoken between the historical Finnic and Mordvin areas and their relations with other Uralic languages, especially Finnic. This is carried out by examining toponyms, mainly hydronyms. 1. The contact zone of Finnic In the northwestern and northern territory of Russia, the southern boundary of transparently Finnic hydronyms runs from the northern edge of Lake Peipus to the Tixvin region, continues from there to the Belozero area, further northeast to the upper course of the River Vaga, and from there to the upper sources of the River Pinega (see Rahkonen 2011: ) [map 1]. The above-mentioned boundary was approximately the contact zone between Finnic and languages spoken by tribes then living between the Finnic and Mordvin-speaking areas. Beyond the boundary lived several different tribes presumably speaking different varieties of Uralic languages which can no longer be identified in terms of more detailed characteristics. map 1 The southern boundary of Finnic hydronyms

234 It must be alleged that there has been much overlapping between different Uralic varieties. Along the northern side of the above-mentioned boundary there were peoples speaking both Finnic and non-finnic Uralic languages. This is true especially in the Russian North. Matveev (2001) applies the concept of северо-финский язык North-Finnic language referring to an unknown Uralic tongue. However, as Saarikivi (2006b: 53) has stated, these toponyms are very opaque. He notes that in Arkhangelsk oblast there occur toponyms representing an archaic Uralic language in which the Finnic sound shift š > h (ibid.) has not taken place. Mullonen (2002), Matveev (2001) and Saarikivi (2004a) have noted layers of Saami toponyms in the Russian North. However, Saarikivi criticizes the idea of a proper Saami layer (personal information). Furthermore, Matveev (2001) analyses a Meryan toponymic layer in the Russian North. Mullonen (2002: 183, , 291) discusses possible Meryan influence from the Upper Volga in the Svir catchment area and in the region of Lake Onega. It is obvious that in the southern lakeland of Finland a layer of Saami toponyms is found (e.g. Aikio 2007). In Finland there are a remarkable number of hydronyms with an unknown etymological background (Ariste 1971; Kiviniemi 1980: ; Kalima 1942; Rahkonen 2013). Ante Aikio (2004) has presented a list of toponyms from Lapland that originate from an unknown non-uralic language. Saarikivi (2006b: 53; 2004b) assumes that there have been speakers of some Paleo-European language both in Finland and in Arkhangelsk oblast. 2. Novgorodian Čudes (Article 2011) In Novgorod and Tver oblasts I have defined two different types of hydronyms, both of which originate from an unknown Uralic language. I call these Western and Eastern Novgorod Čude (Rahkonen 2011: , map 8). The boundary between them is roughly the Msta River. On the right (north/eastern) bank, the word lake occurring in names of lakes is *jädra/ä, close to Meryan *jäγra/ä < West Uralic [WU] *jäkra. On the left (south/western) bank, the word *järi lake seems to be dominant. Historically, the development could be *järi < *järγ < WU variant *järka/ä. The WU variant *jäkrä may be a loanword from Proto-Indo-European * r- (Mallory & Adams 1997: 636) and the variant *järkä is possibly based on a metathesis of the consonant cluster. The reason for the metathesis *jäkra/ä > *järka/ä might be the more natural pronunciation of the combination *-rk- compared with *-kr- (< PIE *-Hr-) for Uralic speakers. 1 1 Ante Aikio points out that if the original form was *järkä (metathesis), then the derived word should be järgä with voiced g not k in Mordvin (Aikio: personal comment). However, the development may have been: *järkä >* jär (cf. Mari) > *jär + derivational suffix -kä in Mordvin.

235 In the southeastern parts of Tver oblast, in the surroundings of the city of Tver, there occur hydronyms that seem to originate from a language close to Mordvin (Rahkonen 2011: 253; 2012: 27 28), e.g. the river In juxa (cf. Mordvin ńä big, jov river < *joγa < *juka) and its smaller tributary V ška (cf. Mordvin v ška/v ška little, small ). 2 Surprisingly, some stray Finnic names occur in the same area, but in Novgorod and Tver oblasts they most probably originate from the Karelian migration of the 17th century, a more recent layer (see Rahkonen 2011, sections 4 and 6). The principal question is, why could the Uralic substrate language spoken in Novgorod oblast not be Finnic? Firstly, there are phonological reasons: the affricate č was found in the language (cf. hydronyms Č r( )ma-, Čagoda, Č čo ra) as well as the sibilant š (cf. hydronyms oz. Šabo dro < WU *šab(v) aspen ; Š ja <? WU *ś j or *š j long bay in the estuary of a river ). 3 If the Uralic language were Finnic, then the sound shifts *š > h and *č > t should be attested (Sammallahti 1999: 76; Kallio 2007: 233). Of course, one should take account of the possibility of a secondary č. There exist only a few non-slavic hydronyms with initial h. These seem to be of Karelian origin, e.g. Xobol ka < Karelian dial. hoaba aspen, Xuba and Xubka < Karelian dial. huaba aspen. If the Uralic language spoken in Novgorod oblast were Finnic, there should be plenty of hydronyms with initial h. Secondly, even more convincing evidence against the Finnic origin of the hydronyms in Novgorod oblast is the absence of all the most common Finnic specifics and generics occurring widely in substrate names in the Russian North (Matveev 2001; 2004; Saarikivi 2006b). The conclusion is that the Novgorodian Čudes were most probably not a Finnic-speaking tribe. 3. Meryan-Muroma language (Article 2012) We assume that the Meryans and Muromas differed from each other to some extent in their material culture (Rjabinin 1997: , ). Nevertheless, there are similarities as well, such as certain horse-shaped pendants (type XVII in Rjabinin s categorization) mentioned by Makarov (2006: 277, Fig. 4). The languages of the Merya and Muroma people were probably closely related with some phonetic peculiarities of their own: e.g. Mer. *veksa ~ Mur. *v k a river connecting two bodies of water, Mer. *uhta ~ Mur. *vohta neck of land and Mer. *joga ~ Mur. *juga river. The Muroma toponyms may have been influenced by the Permian Meščera language (see Rahkonen 2009), because they lived partially overlapping in the same regions (Rjabinin 1997: 214). These two 2 The original Proto-Mordvin *joγa could become юха [j xa] under Russian adaptation; cf. Finnic -oja (brook, river) in several Russian adaptations as -уя [- ja] (Mullonen 2002: 127, map 8). 3 The North and Central Russian Š ja rivers usually have a long bay in their estuary. If the Saami word sai č ájá long and narrow bay, a river pouring waters into it (Sammallahti & Morottaja 1993: 10) is somehow linked with this, then *ś j may be the correct original; cf. *ś > *ć > č in Saami. However, in that case the < á > in the first syllable is difficult to explain.

236 languages, Meryan and Muroma, shared the phonetic development *a >o, (word initial) vo. Both languages show, for instance, the words *jäγra/ä lake > RuAdapt. яхр-,*enä big > RuAdapt. вон- (see Mullonen 2002: 274), *väzä small, little > RuAdapt. вяз-, p č /ä pine > RuAdapt. печ- and the formant -гда, -хта [-gda/-hta]. The Merya-Muroma hydronyms have more than one core area. The principal area is the region of Yaroslavl oblast and the western part of Kostroma oblast. 4 We can call this territory the traditional Merya, or as I have termed it (2012: 20 27, maps 2 4), Rostov Kostroma Merya. It appears that the modern Yaroslavl oblast, which originated already in the medieval Rostov-Suzdal Principality, was formed on the basis of the Meryan Land. The second core area is the modern Vladimir oblast, which seems to have originated mostly in the ancient Muroma Land. The third region of the Meryan type of hydronyms is the Moscow-centric core area of the Early Iron Age Djakovo culture (circa 800 BC 200 AD). It is possible that the language here was Proto- Meryan. Most probably the Merya language was no longer spoken in this region when the Slavs began to move into the Moscow territory, because there is no reference the language or the tribe in the old Russian chronicles. Furthermore, the formant -ksa/-kša which occurs widely in Yaroslavl and Vladimir oblasts is not attested here, but instead we find the formant -ša which, on the basis of its larger distribution compared with -ksa, -kša, seems to be older considering the development *-ša > -kša. The Meryan type of hydronyms occur also in the lakeland of the Russian North, in the western part of Vologda oblast. The name Vologda itself is originally a river name composed of two elements: the Meryan word volo- lower and the Meryan formant -gda. Here in the lakeland occur such Meryan hydronym stems as Uht-, Veks-, Vol(o)-, Ile-, Jaχr- (< *jäγra/ä), ver(e)-. I have called the language behind these hydronyms Northern Meryan. It appears that the Merya language had a dialect, or more probably a close cognate language, which was spoken in the uppermost Volga, in the Msta and the Mologa catchment areas; i.e. in Tver oblast and in the eastern parts of Novgorod oblast. I have called this Eastern Čude. The ethnonym mer(e)/ner(e) Meryan is attested in the area, as are the stems ile- upper, volo- lower and a word *jädra/ä lake that can be derived from the proto-form *jäkra/ä similar to the Meryan word 4 The boundary runs approximately along the River Unža.

237 *jäγra/ä. A sound shift *k (g) > *d has occurred, possibly under the influence of Russian (Sokolova 1962: 74 75) or a Čudian substrate (Rahkonen 2011: 231). In Karelia, in the catchment area of the Svir and in the westernmost regions of Arkhangelsk oblast, some Meryan type hydronyms also occur. This has been noted also by Mullonen (MAG 1997: XIX; 2002: 183, 214, ), although she did not analyze them in more detail. 4. Ancient Mordvin hydronyms (Article 2012) There is a big difference between the distribution of common Mordvin stems, based on the words ńä big, v šk, v šk, v ž- little, aš(v), akš(v)- white, č m- black, (earlier) rusty, v ľ- upper, al(v)- lower and the modern Mordvin generics - ŕk lake and -lej/-läj. Generics based on the word ŕk lake stretch remarkably further west than the modern Mordvin-speaking area, almost as far as the town of Ryazan. It is interesting that generics based on the Mordvin word lej/läj river occur only slightly west of the modern Mordvin-speaking area, whereas the stems mentioned above stretch some hundreds of kilometers further to the town of Kaluga. There are several possible explanations for these differences: 1) The word l j/läj is a relatively recent innovation (borrowing?) in Mordvin or occurred originally only in the easternmost dialects. There are words even in modern Mordvin for river that occur with some Mordvin specifics in the west; Č m rav koj < č m- black, rusty, rav river close to Moscow and In j xa < ńä big, Proto-Mordvin *joγa river > possibly through Russian adoption j xa. 2) The word ŕk lake probably had the Proto-Mordvin form *järkä. However, this type does not exist in the more western areas in Moscow or Kaluga oblasts. The reason may be that there are very few lakes located west of Ryazan and, consequently the word does not occur in hydronyms in the Ryazan Moscow Kaluga triangle. 3) The westernmost Mordvin-looking stems may originate from Proto-Mordvin or from an unknown language close to Mordvin proper. There is a wedge of Mordvin hydronyms that extends from the Lower Oka reaching the left bank of the Volga between the estuaries of the rivers Kostroma and Unža. In the southern parts of Kostroma oblast such names as Andoba (AKO122) < Erz. Mord. ando ms to feed, Kile nka (AKO170)

238 < Erz. Mord. kilej birch and In ška (AKO150) < Erz. Mord. ń big can be plausibly compared with nouns attested in Mordvin (see Rahkonen 2012: 28, map 6) Etymologically opaque hydronyms in Finland (Article 2013) According to the authors of the lexicon of Finnish place names Suomalainen Paikannimikirja (SPK), at least 25% of the 85 biggest lakes in Finland do not have etymologically transparent names. There exist some stems of opaque hydronyms whose meanings can be determined on the grounds of their geographical regularity. Such types of names include stems with Uhta-, V(u)ohta-, Ohta- neck of land and Vieks-, Viiks-, Vääks- connecting river between two bodies of water. In addition, there exist some stems whose distribution is very similar to the above-mentioned stems. These include Sont/d-, Suont-, which can possibly be compared with the Karelian word sonto curved, and the stem Kem(V)- that can be compared with the Finnish dialectal word kymi stream, big river and Udmurt kam id. <? Proto-Finno-Permian *käme. 6 Many of the Kem(V)-rivers are rather large, but some smaller ones exist as well. There also occurs a formant -ari, -äri, -ere that maybe connected with words for lake allegedly deriving from WU *jäkra/ä ~ *järka/ä lake. The stems of these hydronyms with the exception of Koit(V), seem to be of neither Finnish nor Saami origin (SPK s.v. Inari): In ari ~ Indijager (documented 1799) ~ Ind er iaur (documented 1593), *Ätsäri ~ Ähtäri (late variant) and Koit ere (note the name of the river Koita connected with the lake). Nevertheless, this formant presumably is of West Uralic origin. This leads one to consider an alternative that in Finland, alongside with non-uralic-speaking people, there lived an Uralicspeaking population that was linked neither with the Proto-Finns nor Proto-Saami. Such stems as Uht-, Oht-, Vuoht- cannot be derived from Proto-Uralic * k track (PS 536) with cognates in Finnic or Saami without difficulties of phonetic details and/or areal distribution. An original initial *u-, for instance, cannot correspond to vuo- in Finnic or Saami. The theoretical Proto-Saami [PSa] development should have been PU * k > PSa *ok. Even though the initial vowel PSa *o is possible to explain (cf. Oht(V)-hydronyms), the consonant cluster -kt- would be much more difficult, because everywhere in the Russian North and in Finland only the cluster -ht- is attested in hydronyms (i.e. Oht-) and never -kt-. Obviously *-kt- > -ht- is possible to explain as a Finnic adaptation from a (Proto-)Saami original; e.g. PSa *l k bay and a Finnish adaptation of 5 Andoba cannot be a Meryan hydronym because of the Meryan sound shift (word initial) *a > vo. 6 If the proto-form is *käm, then Finnish kym is supposedly an adaptation or a loanword from some unknown Uralic language *k m /.

239 the toponym Lohtaja. 7 However, the regularity of the cluster -ht- in the Russian North, as well as the fact that no words derived from theoretic PSa *ok occur in any modern Saami language, leads one to doubt this explanation. In the names with uht- the initial vowel matches the Finnic development, but not the second-syllable *- or *-ti which should become -si; i.e. theoretically PU * k > Finnic uksi : uhden. 8 Even though the PU original was *ukta and thus the assumed lost Finnic word *uhta, the areal distribution does not correspond with the historically known Finnic core area in southern coastal Finland and in Estonia. Toponyms with uhta neck of land do not occur in the ancient historical Finnic area and thus the distribution is totally unsuitable for a word that should be of Finnic origin. Furthermore, the word *uhta does not occur in any Finnic language. The areal distribution of these selected opaque hydronyms is almost equal with that of the Textile Ceramics (circa BC). This may provide the above-mentioned names with an approximate timeframe. It seems that the most reasonable conclusion is to assume that in Finland, Karelia and the lakeland of the Russian North, a language was spoken which cannot be derived directly from Proto-Finnic or Proto-Saami. I have labeled this language the x-tongue. It may be based on the northern dialect of some ancient West Uralic language that spread from the Upper Volga area to the Northwest. The later Meryan-Muroma seem display some similarities with it as well; cf. the Meryan words *uhta, *veksa. 6. Meščera (Article 2009) We maintain that the layer of hydronyms occurring in the traditional Meščera area, defined by ethnonyms and archaeological data, is of Permian origin. The central site of the Meščera was apparently M šč r k j Gorodec, close to the confluence of the Mokša and Oka on the left bank of the Oka. In a more detailed survey one encounters such pairs of hydronym stems as Un-/Ič- and Vil- /Ul- < Udmurt uno big, č little, v l- upper and ulo lower. Furthermore, there occur a large number of hydronym stems and formants that have correspondences in Udmurtia. Possibly the ethnonym M šč ra itself was of Permian origin; cf. Komi möśör isthmus. The principal area of Meščera settlement was located on the isthmus between the rivers Kljaz ma and Oka Moskva. 7 Of course Loh aja can also be derived from such a Saami dialect (or language) in which PSa *l k ē > loh (V). 8 Sammallahti (1988: 536) [PS] reconstructs PU * k, Aikio (2012: 230) *(V)k and Rédei (UEW 540) * ka.

240 It is possible that certain ethnographic products such as so-called Permian belts, produced by the population of the Lomovatovo culture ( AD) in the Kama region (e.g. Patrushev 2000: 162, ), were transported by Permian Meščeras to the west. In that case they served as an intermediating link between the Kama region and the Finland Baltic area. Such belts have been found in different sites, e.g. Pappilanmäki in southwest Finland (Carpelan 2006: 88), the Ilmen lakeland close to Novgorod (Juškova 2006: 150) and Staraja Ladoga (Uino 2006: ). Not far from Novgorod there exists a toponym M šč r kaja Kromka (ANO35V5), which seems to prove that people (merchants?) from Meščera visited the Novgorod region. In Tver oblast an oikonym M šč ra (ATO81B2) is found close to the historically important town of Bežeck. It is unlikely that the Meščeras had any linguistic influence on Finnic languages. 7. The ancient West-Uralic languages 9 We allege that it is possible to draw a map (map 2) illustrating the principal settlements of the above-mentioned Uralic tribes on the basis of hydronyms. As stated earlier, there was much overlapping between different linguistic areas and therefore the map cannot be accurate. The estimated timeframe is approximately AD. The phonetic developments in this area outline certain linguistic isoglosses. There is a rather clear boundary of the words for lake : WU 1 *jäkra/ä > Mer. jäγra/ä, Proto-Saami *jāvrē, East Čude *jädra/ä and WU 2 *järkä > Moksha Mordvin *(j)äŕkä, West Čudian *järi, Late Proto-Finnic *järve. Another boundary which is similar is the phonetic change of *a > Meryan *o, word-initial *vo-, East Čudian *o, word-initial *vo-, (Early) Proto-Saami *, word-initial*v -; but *a > Mordvin and Finnic a. In West Čudian, possibly *a stayed a as well. This would be true if, for example, the stem *čag(v) of the river Čag oda is related to Proto-Saami *c kē? < *čaka shallow (water). Otherwise the material is too narrow to be able to determine the process *a underwent in West Čudian (see Introduction). The whole distribution of the hydronym stems based on the proto-forms PFP *ukti neck of land and *veksi or *viksi river connecting two bodies of water is presented in map 2. The distribution resembles to a large degree the distribution of the Textile Ceramics. The area of the *ukti-/*viksistems matches quite well with the territory of the sound shift *a > o, initial vo- and the word lake derived from *jäkra/ä (map 2). Mordvin, Meryan, Saami, East and West Čudian Finnic and 9 The concept of western Uralic was first introduced by Jaakko Häkkinen (2009).

241 possibly the x-language most likely belonged to the same West Uralic entity which is sometimes called Proto-Finno-Mordvin (e.g. Kallio 2009) or by the old school Proto-Finno-Volgaic (e.g. UEW). The position of Mari remains obscure, but it cannot be straightforwardly linked with the same WU entity. map 2. Approximate linguistic situation of WU languages circa AD.

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